COLORADO
Election type: primary
Date: March 3
Number of delegates: 79 [14 at-large, 9 PLEOs, 44 congressional district, 12 automatic/superdelegates]
Allocation method: proportional statewide and at the congressional district level
Threshold to qualify for delegates: 15%
2016: proportional caucuses
Delegate selection plan
--
Changes since 2016
If one followed the 2016 series on the Republican process here at FHQ, then you may end up somewhat disappointed. The two national parties manage the presidential nomination process differently. The Republican National Committee is much less hands-on in regulating state and state party activity in the delegate selection process than the Democratic National Committee is. That leads to a lot of variation from state to state and from cycle to cycle on the Republican side. Meanwhile, the DNC is much more top down in its approach. Thresholds stay the same. It is a 15 percent barrier that candidates must cross in order to qualify for delegates. That is standard across all states. The allocation of delegates is roughly proportional. Again, that is applied to every state.
That does not mean there are no changes. The calendar has changed as have other facets of the process such as whether a state has a primary or a caucus.
While the position of the Colorado delegate selection event did not change between 2016 and 2020, the mode of delegate selection did. Colorado voters in 2016 passed a ballot initiative to bring a presidential primary back to the Centennial state for the first time since the 2000 cycle. And although the change granted the governor the ability to set the date of the contest for one of the first three Tuesdays of March, Governor Polis ultimately opted to slot the Colorado primary into Super Tuesday. That caucus-to-primary shift actually preceded the move by the DNC to encourage such changes for the 2020 cycle. Nonetheless, Colorado is one of the 11 states that made the change for 2020.
The other quirk in the newly re-etablished Colorado presidential primary is that the process works via vote-by-mail. Democratic registrants are mailed a Democratic ballot, while unaffiliated voters -- who are allowed to participate -- are mailed both a Democratic and Republican primary ballot from which they choose one. There is same-day registration as well for anyone who wants to participate as a Democrat.
Thresholds
The standard 15 percent qualifying threshold applies both statewide and on the congressional district level.
Delegate allocation (at-large and PLEO delegates)
To win any at-large or PLEO (pledged Party Leader and Elected Officials) delegates a candidate must win 15 percent of the statewide vote. Only the votes of those candidates above the threshold will count for the purposes of the separate allocation of these two pools of delegates.
See New Hampshire synopsis for an example of how the delegate allocation math works for all categories of delegates.
Delegate allocation (congressional district delegates)
Colorado's 44 congressional district delegates are split across 7 congressional districts and have some variation across districts from the measure of Democratic strength Colorado Democrats are using based on the results of the 2016 presidential election and the 2018 gubernatorial election in the state. That method apportions delegates as follows...
CD1 - 9 delegates*
CD2 - 9 delegates*
CD3 - 5 delegates*
CD4 - 5 delegates*
CD5 - 4 delegates
CD6 - 6 delegates
CD7 - 6 delegates
*Bear in mind that districts with odd numbers of national convention delegates are potentially important to winners (and those above the qualifying threshold) within those districts. Rounding up for an extra delegate initially requires less in those districts than in districts with even numbers of delegates. Colorado has a total of 4 districts with odd numbers of delegates -- more than half -- and the range is five delegates from a low of four delegates in a district to a high of nine (two districts). That is more variation compared to a state like California with many more districts.
Delegate allocation (automatic delegates/superdelegates)
Superdelegates are free to align with a candidate of their choice at a time of their choosing. While their support may be a signal to voters in their state (if an endorsement is made before voting in that state), superdelegates will only vote on the first ballot at the national convention if half of the total number of delegates -- pledged plus superdelegates -- have been pledged to one candidate. Otherwise, superdelegates are locked out of the voting unless 1) the convention adopts rules that allow them to vote or 2) the voting process extends to a second ballot. But then all delegates, not just superdelegates will be free to vote for any candidate.
[NOTE: All Democratic delegates are pledged and not bound to their candidates. They are to vote in good conscience for the candidate to whom they have been pledged, but technically do not have to. But they tend to because the candidates and their campaigns are involved in vetting and selecting their delegates through the various selection processes on the state level. Well, the good campaigns are anyway.]
Selection
The 44 district delegates in Colorado are chosen in April 2-17 district caucuses based on the results in the respective congressional districts. The 9 PLEO and then 14 at-large delegates are selected on April 18 at the state convention based on the statewide primary results.
Importantly, if a candidate drops out of the race before the selection of statewide delegates, then any statewide delegates allocated to that candidate will be reallocated to the remaining candidates. If Candidate X is in the race in mid-April when the Colorado statewide delegate selection takes place but Candidate Y is not, then any statewide delegates allocated to Candidate Y in the March primary would be reallocated to Candidate X. [This same feature is not something that applies to district delegates.] This reallocation only applies if a candidate has fully dropped out. Candidates with suspended campaigns are still candidates and can fill those slots allocated them.
Tuesday, March 3, 2020
Monday, March 2, 2020
So a Candidate Has Dropped Out. What Happens to Their Delegates?
With Pete Buttigieg and now Amy Klobuchar heading for the exits in the 2020 Democratic nomination race, one question has filled my inbox and DMs on Twitter:
What happens now with the 26 pledged delegates Buttigieg has and the 7 in Klobuchar's column?
First of all, 33 delegates obviously does not amount to much in the grand scheme of things when 1991 pledged delegates are needed on the first ballot to clinch the Democratic nomination in 2020. Nonetheless, if this race gets bogged down in the delegate math over the next three months and primary season ends with no clear resolution to who the presumptive nominee is, then those 33 delegates may matter.
But what happens to them? Well, it depends. What has happened so far in the first four states and will happen on Super Tuesday is the allocation of delegate slots to particular candidates. That is important, but it is not the only facet of the process. What runs parallel and very often behind the allocation process is the selection process. That process fills those slots allocated to candidates in primaries and caucuses across the country with actual human beings.
And those people, when they file to run as delegate candidates, pledge to a particular candidate (or to remain uncommitted if that is their preference and the uncommitted line on the ballot gets 15 percent of the vote). Those pledges are just that: pledges. Delegates are instructed by the national party rules to "in all good conscience reflect the sentiments of those who elected them." But that is not a binding mechanism. Democratic delegates are not bound as Republican delegates are. They are pledged and technically can support whomever they want regardless of that pledge. However, because of the way they are selected -- typically with some input from the campaigns -- and because the campaigns have the right to review all delegates selected to represent them, they tend to be quite loyal. Pledged delegates can stray, then, but do not often do so.
[Yes, there are laws in some states that require delegates to respect those pledges, but there are questions about the constitutionality of those laws not to mention issues with how a state would even go about challenging that in the context of a national convention that is only in session for a limited amount of time.]
But what are the limits of those pledges? Surely when a candidate drops out of the race something happens to either the delegates allocated to them or who have been selected to represent them. It does. But first what happens depends on how the candidate in question exits the race. Both Buttigieg and Klobuchar have suspended their campaigns.
That is a meaningful distinction. Their campaigns have been suspended but they are still technically candidates in the race. Even without any involvement from those two campaigns, delegate candidates of those two candidates in Iowa, New Hampshire and Nevada will continue in the delegate selection process.
District delegates of Buttigieg and Klobuchar when they are selected will then immediately become free agents, free to choose a candidate to back or to let candidates woo them as they might superdelegates now. They become a set of first ballot unpledged delegates.
Most of the delegates won by these two candidates are district delegates. Buttigieg claimed nine district delegates in Iowa, six district delegates in New Hampshire and three district delegates in Nevada. Klobuchar was allocated one district delegate in Iowa and an additional four in New Hampshire. Ten of those 23 district delegates -- the ones from New Hampshire -- have already basically been chosen. Slates of district delegates were elected for each active candidate at pre-primary caucuses in the Granite state on January 25. Iowa district delegates will be selected on April 25 and Nevada Democrats will select their district delegates at the party's May 30 state convention. If the Buttigieg and Klobuchar campaigns are still in suspension at those points, then they will retain those delegates and they will all become free agents upon selection.
Things get more complicated when it comes to the ten at-large and PLEO (pledged party leaders and elected officials) delegates. However, as was the case with district delegates, if a candidate's campaign remains in suspension through the selection process, then those delegates will be selected for that candidate and they would become free agents at the convention.
Yet, if the candidate changes the state of the campaign -- comes out of suspension or more formally ends their campaign -- then the process works a bit differently. There is boilerplate language in every state delegate selection plan about how to treat those delegate slots in the event that someone is not longer a candidate:
If Buttigieg and Klobuchar stay suspended then they have some control over the 33 delegate slots allocated them. More importantly, they would have some control over where their allocated slots do not go. Buttigieg, in his remarks when dropping out of the race, strongly hinted that he was not for a revolution of the sort for which Sanders is advocating. And Klobuchar is set to endorse Biden. If both remain suspended, then their statewide delegates would not be reallocated. And that reallocation would benefit Sanders the most in Iowa and New Hampshire. [Buttigieg won delegates in Nevada but they were district delegates and cannot be reallocated.]
While both candidates may retain some control over who gets selected, they do not have full control over any delegates selected to represent them. An endorsement like the one of Biden from Klobuchar may carry some weight with her handful of delegates, but that is not binding. Those delegates would not have to follow that instruction. They are free agents at the point they are selected.
So, no, 33 delegates is not really much more than a drop in the bucket, but with Super Tuesday looming, these distinctions above may matter a whole lot more if candidates like Bloomberg and Warren rack up some decent numbers of delegates. It could become a lot more consequential.
What happens now with the 26 pledged delegates Buttigieg has and the 7 in Klobuchar's column?
First of all, 33 delegates obviously does not amount to much in the grand scheme of things when 1991 pledged delegates are needed on the first ballot to clinch the Democratic nomination in 2020. Nonetheless, if this race gets bogged down in the delegate math over the next three months and primary season ends with no clear resolution to who the presumptive nominee is, then those 33 delegates may matter.
But what happens to them? Well, it depends. What has happened so far in the first four states and will happen on Super Tuesday is the allocation of delegate slots to particular candidates. That is important, but it is not the only facet of the process. What runs parallel and very often behind the allocation process is the selection process. That process fills those slots allocated to candidates in primaries and caucuses across the country with actual human beings.
And those people, when they file to run as delegate candidates, pledge to a particular candidate (or to remain uncommitted if that is their preference and the uncommitted line on the ballot gets 15 percent of the vote). Those pledges are just that: pledges. Delegates are instructed by the national party rules to "in all good conscience reflect the sentiments of those who elected them." But that is not a binding mechanism. Democratic delegates are not bound as Republican delegates are. They are pledged and technically can support whomever they want regardless of that pledge. However, because of the way they are selected -- typically with some input from the campaigns -- and because the campaigns have the right to review all delegates selected to represent them, they tend to be quite loyal. Pledged delegates can stray, then, but do not often do so.
[Yes, there are laws in some states that require delegates to respect those pledges, but there are questions about the constitutionality of those laws not to mention issues with how a state would even go about challenging that in the context of a national convention that is only in session for a limited amount of time.]
But what are the limits of those pledges? Surely when a candidate drops out of the race something happens to either the delegates allocated to them or who have been selected to represent them. It does. But first what happens depends on how the candidate in question exits the race. Both Buttigieg and Klobuchar have suspended their campaigns.
That is a meaningful distinction. Their campaigns have been suspended but they are still technically candidates in the race. Even without any involvement from those two campaigns, delegate candidates of those two candidates in Iowa, New Hampshire and Nevada will continue in the delegate selection process.
District delegates of Buttigieg and Klobuchar when they are selected will then immediately become free agents, free to choose a candidate to back or to let candidates woo them as they might superdelegates now. They become a set of first ballot unpledged delegates.
Most of the delegates won by these two candidates are district delegates. Buttigieg claimed nine district delegates in Iowa, six district delegates in New Hampshire and three district delegates in Nevada. Klobuchar was allocated one district delegate in Iowa and an additional four in New Hampshire. Ten of those 23 district delegates -- the ones from New Hampshire -- have already basically been chosen. Slates of district delegates were elected for each active candidate at pre-primary caucuses in the Granite state on January 25. Iowa district delegates will be selected on April 25 and Nevada Democrats will select their district delegates at the party's May 30 state convention. If the Buttigieg and Klobuchar campaigns are still in suspension at those points, then they will retain those delegates and they will all become free agents upon selection.
Things get more complicated when it comes to the ten at-large and PLEO (pledged party leaders and elected officials) delegates. However, as was the case with district delegates, if a candidate's campaign remains in suspension through the selection process, then those delegates will be selected for that candidate and they would become free agents at the convention.
Yet, if the candidate changes the state of the campaign -- comes out of suspension or more formally ends their campaign -- then the process works a bit differently. There is boilerplate language in every state delegate selection plan about how to treat those delegate slots in the event that someone is not longer a candidate:
If a presidential candidate otherwise entitled to an allocation is no longer a candidate at the time of selection of the at-large delegates, their allocation will be proportionally divided among the other preferences entitled to an allocation.Yes, the delegate slots would be proportionally reallocated to the candidates who 1) got over 15 percent statewide in the primary or caucus originally and 2) are still active in the race for the nomination. But this only applies in the case that a candidate is no longer a candidate. A suspended campaign is still a campaign and the candidate it backs is still a candidate.
If Buttigieg and Klobuchar stay suspended then they have some control over the 33 delegate slots allocated them. More importantly, they would have some control over where their allocated slots do not go. Buttigieg, in his remarks when dropping out of the race, strongly hinted that he was not for a revolution of the sort for which Sanders is advocating. And Klobuchar is set to endorse Biden. If both remain suspended, then their statewide delegates would not be reallocated. And that reallocation would benefit Sanders the most in Iowa and New Hampshire. [Buttigieg won delegates in Nevada but they were district delegates and cannot be reallocated.]
While both candidates may retain some control over who gets selected, they do not have full control over any delegates selected to represent them. An endorsement like the one of Biden from Klobuchar may carry some weight with her handful of delegates, but that is not binding. Those delegates would not have to follow that instruction. They are free agents at the point they are selected.
So, no, 33 delegates is not really much more than a drop in the bucket, but with Super Tuesday looming, these distinctions above may matter a whole lot more if candidates like Bloomberg and Warren rack up some decent numbers of delegates. It could become a lot more consequential.
Wednesday, February 26, 2020
2020 Democratic Delegate Allocation: CALIFORNIA
CALIFORNIA
Election type: primary
Date: March 3
Number of delegates: 495 [90 at-large, 54 PLEOs, 271 congressional district, 80 automatic/superdelegates]
Allocation method: proportional statewide and at the congressional district level
Threshold to qualify for delegates: 15%
2016: proportional primary
Delegate selection plan
--
Changes since 2016
If one followed the 2016 series on the Republican process here at FHQ, then you may end up somewhat disappointed. The two national parties manage the presidential nomination process differently. The Republican National Committee is much less hands-on in regulating state and state party activity in the delegate selection process than the Democratic National Committee is. That leads to a lot of variation from state to state and from cycle to cycle on the Republican side. Meanwhile, the DNC is much more top down in its approach. Thresholds stay the same. It is a 15 percent barrier that candidates must cross in order to qualify for delegates. That is standard across all states. The allocation of delegates is roughly proportional. Again, that is applied to every state.
That does not mean there are no changes. The calendar has changed as have other facets of the process such as whether a state has a primary or a caucus.
The biggest change in the Golden state since 2016 has been its position on the 2020 primary calendar. California's 2017 legislation to move the primary from its more traditional position on the first Tuesday in June to Super Tuesday in 2020 upended the presidential primary calendar. The change meant that an already delegate-rich date on any presidential primary calendar was getting an influx of more than 400 delegates, more than 10 percent of the total number of delegates and nearly a third of the pledged delegates available on Super Tuesday.
That is no small thing and more than anything was the catalyst for much of the early invisible primary chatter about how a potential crowded field of candidates combined with a more frontloaded calendar and proportional allocation rules could lead to an unresolved end to primary season in 2020. That may or may not come to pass, but definitely hinges on how many candidates crest above the 15 percent qualifying threshold and how consistently across not only the Super Tuesday states but through the contests on St. Patrick's Day as well.
The calendar change in California triggered one additional difference over 2016 for Democrats in the Golden state: a loss of bonus delegates. California Democrats lost their timing bonus (20 percent) by moving the primary from June to March. That translated to a loss of 46 district delegates and 15 at-large delegates. However, the 2020 California Democratic delegation gained one PLEO delegate and eight superdelegates compared to 2016.
[NOTE: PLEO delegates are a 15 percent add-on to the base delegation (at-large plus district delegates before any bonuses). California had more base delegates in the 2020 delegation than did the state in 2016. That accounts for the gain there.]
Thresholds
The standard 15 percent qualifying threshold applies both statewide and on the congressional district level.
Delegate allocation (at-large and PLEO delegates)
To win any at-large or PLEO (pledged Party Leader and Elected Officials) delegates a candidate must win 15 percent of the statewide vote. Only the votes of those candidates above the threshold will count for the purposes of the separate allocation of these two pools of delegates.
See New Hampshire synopsis for an example of how the delegate allocation math works for all categories of delegates.
Delegate allocation (congressional district delegates)
California's 271 congressional district delegates are split across 53 congressional districts and have some muted variation across districts from the measure of Democratic strength California Democrats are using based on the results of the 2012 and 2016 presidential elections in the state. That method apportions delegates as follows...
CD1 - 4 delegates
CD2 - 6 delegates
CD3 - 5 delegates*
CD4 - 5 delegates*
CD5 - 6 delegates
CD6 - 5 delegates*
CD7 - 5 delegates*
CD8 - 4 delegates
CD9 - 5 delegates*
CD10 - 4 delegates
CD11 - 6 delegates
CD12 - 7 delegates*
CD13 - 7 delegates*
CD14 - 6 delegates
CD15 - 6 delegates
CD16 - 4 delegates
CD17 - 5 delegates*
CD18 - 6 delegates
CD19 - 6 delegates
CD20 - 5 delegates*
CD21 - 4 delegates
CD22 - 4 delegates
CD23 - 4 delegates
CD24 - 5 delegates*
CD25 - 5 delegates*
CD26 - 5 delegates*
CD27 - 5 delegates*
CD28 - 6 delegates
CD29 - 5 delegates*
CD30 - 6 delegates
CD31 - 5 delegates*
CD32 - 5 delegates*
CD33 - 6 delegates
CD34 - 5 delegates*
CD35 - 4 delegates
CD36 - 4 delegates
CD37 - 6 delegates
CD38 - 5 delegates*
CD39 - 5 delegates*
CD40 - 5 delegates*
CD41 - 5 delegates*
CD42 - 5 delegates*
CD43 - 5 delegates*
CD44 - 5 delegates*
CD45 - 5 delegates*
CD46 - 4 delegates
CD47 - 5 delegates*
CD48 - 5 delegates*
CD49 - 5 delegates*
CD50 - 4 delegates
CD51 - 5 delegates*
CD52 - 6 delegates
CD53 - 6 delegates
*Bear in mind that districts with odd numbers of national convention delegates are potentially important to winners (and those above the qualifying threshold) within those districts. Rounding up for an extra delegate initially requires less in those districts than in districts with even numbers of delegates. California has a total of 29 districts with odd numbers of delegates -- more than half -- and the range is just three delegates from a low of four delegates in a district (10 districts) to a high of seven (two districts). That is minimal variation compared to a number of other states.
Delegate allocation (automatic delegates/superdelegates)
Superdelegates are free to align with a candidate of their choice at a time of their choosing. While their support may be a signal to voters in their state (if an endorsement is made before voting in that state), superdelegates will only vote on the first ballot at the national convention if half of the total number of delegates -- pledged plus superdelegates -- have been pledged to one candidate. Otherwise, superdelegates are locked out of the voting unless 1) the convention adopts rules that allow them to vote or 2) the voting process extends to a second ballot. But then all delegates, not just superdelegates will be free to vote for any candidate.
[NOTE: All Democratic delegates are pledged and not bound to their candidates. They are to vote in good conscience for the candidate to whom they have been pledged, but technically do not have to. But they tend to because the candidates and their campaigns are involved in vetting and selecting their delegates through the various selection processes on the state level. Well, the good campaigns are anyway.]
Selection
The 271 district delegates in California are chosen in April 19 caucuses organized by the campaigns themselves, rather than the state party. Any district delegate slots allocated to a candidate in the March 3 primary will be filled in elections the campaigns are charged with organizing. This has been the standard method of selection of district delegates in the Golden state, but it does add an organizational wrinkle in the selection process that does not exist in many other states. Campaigns that have either done this before (Sanders) or have staff who have been through the rigors of the California district delegate selection would theoretically have an advantage.
PLEO and then at-large delegates are selected on May 17 by a quorum of the district delegates chosen at the aforementioned caucuses in April.
Importantly, if a candidate drops out of the race before the selection of statewide delegates, then any statewide delegates allocated to that candidate will be reallocated to the remaining candidates. If Candidate X is in the race in mid-May when the California statewide delegate selection takes place but Candidate Y is not, then any statewide delegates allocated to Candidate Y in the March primary would be reallocated to Candidate X. [This same feature is not something that applies to district delegates.] This reallocation only applies if a candidate has fully dropped out. Candidates with suspended campaigns are still candidates and can fill those slots allocated them.
Election type: primary
Date: March 3
Number of delegates: 495 [90 at-large, 54 PLEOs, 271 congressional district, 80 automatic/superdelegates]
Allocation method: proportional statewide and at the congressional district level
Threshold to qualify for delegates: 15%
2016: proportional primary
Delegate selection plan
--
Changes since 2016
If one followed the 2016 series on the Republican process here at FHQ, then you may end up somewhat disappointed. The two national parties manage the presidential nomination process differently. The Republican National Committee is much less hands-on in regulating state and state party activity in the delegate selection process than the Democratic National Committee is. That leads to a lot of variation from state to state and from cycle to cycle on the Republican side. Meanwhile, the DNC is much more top down in its approach. Thresholds stay the same. It is a 15 percent barrier that candidates must cross in order to qualify for delegates. That is standard across all states. The allocation of delegates is roughly proportional. Again, that is applied to every state.
That does not mean there are no changes. The calendar has changed as have other facets of the process such as whether a state has a primary or a caucus.
The biggest change in the Golden state since 2016 has been its position on the 2020 primary calendar. California's 2017 legislation to move the primary from its more traditional position on the first Tuesday in June to Super Tuesday in 2020 upended the presidential primary calendar. The change meant that an already delegate-rich date on any presidential primary calendar was getting an influx of more than 400 delegates, more than 10 percent of the total number of delegates and nearly a third of the pledged delegates available on Super Tuesday.
That is no small thing and more than anything was the catalyst for much of the early invisible primary chatter about how a potential crowded field of candidates combined with a more frontloaded calendar and proportional allocation rules could lead to an unresolved end to primary season in 2020. That may or may not come to pass, but definitely hinges on how many candidates crest above the 15 percent qualifying threshold and how consistently across not only the Super Tuesday states but through the contests on St. Patrick's Day as well.
The calendar change in California triggered one additional difference over 2016 for Democrats in the Golden state: a loss of bonus delegates. California Democrats lost their timing bonus (20 percent) by moving the primary from June to March. That translated to a loss of 46 district delegates and 15 at-large delegates. However, the 2020 California Democratic delegation gained one PLEO delegate and eight superdelegates compared to 2016.
[NOTE: PLEO delegates are a 15 percent add-on to the base delegation (at-large plus district delegates before any bonuses). California had more base delegates in the 2020 delegation than did the state in 2016. That accounts for the gain there.]
Thresholds
The standard 15 percent qualifying threshold applies both statewide and on the congressional district level.
Delegate allocation (at-large and PLEO delegates)
To win any at-large or PLEO (pledged Party Leader and Elected Officials) delegates a candidate must win 15 percent of the statewide vote. Only the votes of those candidates above the threshold will count for the purposes of the separate allocation of these two pools of delegates.
See New Hampshire synopsis for an example of how the delegate allocation math works for all categories of delegates.
Delegate allocation (congressional district delegates)
California's 271 congressional district delegates are split across 53 congressional districts and have some muted variation across districts from the measure of Democratic strength California Democrats are using based on the results of the 2012 and 2016 presidential elections in the state. That method apportions delegates as follows...
CD1 - 4 delegates
CD2 - 6 delegates
CD3 - 5 delegates*
CD4 - 5 delegates*
CD5 - 6 delegates
CD6 - 5 delegates*
CD7 - 5 delegates*
CD8 - 4 delegates
CD9 - 5 delegates*
CD10 - 4 delegates
CD11 - 6 delegates
CD12 - 7 delegates*
CD13 - 7 delegates*
CD14 - 6 delegates
CD15 - 6 delegates
CD16 - 4 delegates
CD17 - 5 delegates*
CD18 - 6 delegates
CD19 - 6 delegates
CD20 - 5 delegates*
CD21 - 4 delegates
CD22 - 4 delegates
CD23 - 4 delegates
CD24 - 5 delegates*
CD25 - 5 delegates*
CD26 - 5 delegates*
CD27 - 5 delegates*
CD28 - 6 delegates
CD29 - 5 delegates*
CD30 - 6 delegates
CD31 - 5 delegates*
CD32 - 5 delegates*
CD33 - 6 delegates
CD34 - 5 delegates*
CD35 - 4 delegates
CD36 - 4 delegates
CD37 - 6 delegates
CD38 - 5 delegates*
CD39 - 5 delegates*
CD40 - 5 delegates*
CD41 - 5 delegates*
CD42 - 5 delegates*
CD43 - 5 delegates*
CD44 - 5 delegates*
CD45 - 5 delegates*
CD46 - 4 delegates
CD47 - 5 delegates*
CD48 - 5 delegates*
CD49 - 5 delegates*
CD50 - 4 delegates
CD51 - 5 delegates*
CD52 - 6 delegates
CD53 - 6 delegates
*Bear in mind that districts with odd numbers of national convention delegates are potentially important to winners (and those above the qualifying threshold) within those districts. Rounding up for an extra delegate initially requires less in those districts than in districts with even numbers of delegates. California has a total of 29 districts with odd numbers of delegates -- more than half -- and the range is just three delegates from a low of four delegates in a district (10 districts) to a high of seven (two districts). That is minimal variation compared to a number of other states.
Delegate allocation (automatic delegates/superdelegates)
Superdelegates are free to align with a candidate of their choice at a time of their choosing. While their support may be a signal to voters in their state (if an endorsement is made before voting in that state), superdelegates will only vote on the first ballot at the national convention if half of the total number of delegates -- pledged plus superdelegates -- have been pledged to one candidate. Otherwise, superdelegates are locked out of the voting unless 1) the convention adopts rules that allow them to vote or 2) the voting process extends to a second ballot. But then all delegates, not just superdelegates will be free to vote for any candidate.
[NOTE: All Democratic delegates are pledged and not bound to their candidates. They are to vote in good conscience for the candidate to whom they have been pledged, but technically do not have to. But they tend to because the candidates and their campaigns are involved in vetting and selecting their delegates through the various selection processes on the state level. Well, the good campaigns are anyway.]
Selection
The 271 district delegates in California are chosen in April 19 caucuses organized by the campaigns themselves, rather than the state party. Any district delegate slots allocated to a candidate in the March 3 primary will be filled in elections the campaigns are charged with organizing. This has been the standard method of selection of district delegates in the Golden state, but it does add an organizational wrinkle in the selection process that does not exist in many other states. Campaigns that have either done this before (Sanders) or have staff who have been through the rigors of the California district delegate selection would theoretically have an advantage.
PLEO and then at-large delegates are selected on May 17 by a quorum of the district delegates chosen at the aforementioned caucuses in April.
Importantly, if a candidate drops out of the race before the selection of statewide delegates, then any statewide delegates allocated to that candidate will be reallocated to the remaining candidates. If Candidate X is in the race in mid-May when the California statewide delegate selection takes place but Candidate Y is not, then any statewide delegates allocated to Candidate Y in the March primary would be reallocated to Candidate X. [This same feature is not something that applies to district delegates.] This reallocation only applies if a candidate has fully dropped out. Candidates with suspended campaigns are still candidates and can fill those slots allocated them.
Tuesday, February 25, 2020
2020 Democratic Delegate Allocation: ARKANSAS
ARKANSAS
Election type: primary
Date: March 3
Number of delegates: 36 [7 at-large, 4 PLEOs, 20 congressional district, 5 automatic/superdelegates]
Allocation method: proportional statewide and at the congressional district level
Threshold to qualify for delegates: 15%
2016: proportional primary
Delegate selection plan
--
Changes since 2016
If one followed the 2016 series on the Republican process here at FHQ, then you may end up somewhat disappointed. The two national parties manage the presidential nomination process differently. The Republican National Committee is much less hands-on in regulating state and state party activity in the delegate selection process than the Democratic National Committee is. That leads to a lot of variation from state to state and from cycle to cycle on the Republican side. Meanwhile, the DNC is much more top down in its approach. Thresholds stay the same. It is a 15 percent barrier that candidates must cross in order to qualify for delegates. That is standard across all states. The allocation of delegates is roughly proportional. Again, that is applied to every state.
That does not mean there are no changes. The calendar has changed as have other facets of the process such as whether a state has a primary or a caucus.
While Arkansas retained its Super Tuesday position on the 2020 primary calendar, the Natural state took a circuitous route getting [back] there. Following the 2016 cycle, the law passed in 2015 to shift the Arkansas presidential primary from May to March expired. That reverted the primary to the late May date on which it has been scheduled throughout much of the post-reform era. But in 2019, the Arkansas legislature once again moved to reposition the Arkansas presidential primary for the 2020 cycle and beyond. The difference was that the legislation was passed and signed into law with no sunset clause, and the primary is scheduled for the first Tuesday after the first Monday in March until the state legislature acts to change that.
One additional difference over 2016 is also that Arkansas lost one district delegate as the other categories' totals remained constant. But outside of that, much remains the same in 2020 as it was in 2016 in the Natural state.
Thresholds
The standard 15 percent qualifying threshold applies both statewide and on the congressional district level.
Delegate allocation (at-large and PLEO delegates)
To win any at-large or PLEO (pledged Party Leader and Elected Officials) delegates a candidate must win 15 percent of the statewide vote. Only the votes of those candidates above the threshold will count for the purposes of the separate allocation of these two pools of delegates.
See New Hampshire synopsis for an example of how the delegate allocation math works for all categories of delegates.
Delegate allocation (congressional district delegates)
Arkansas's 20 congressional district delegates are split across four congressional districts and have some muted variation across districts from the measure of Democratic strength Arkansas Democrats are using based on the results of the 2012 and 2016 presidential elections in the state. That method apportions delegates as follows...
CD1 - 4 delegates [Jonesboro]
CD2 - 6 delegates [Little Rock]
CD3 - 5 delegates* [Hot Springs]
CD4 - 5 delegates* [Fayetteville]
*Bear in mind that districts with odd numbers of national convention delegates are potentially important to winners (and those above the qualifying threshold) within those districts. Rounding up for an extra delegate initially requires less in those districts than in districts with even numbers of delegates.
Delegate allocation (automatic delegates/superdelegates)
Superdelegates are free to align with a candidate of their choice at a time of their choosing. While their support may be a signal to voters in their state (if an endorsement is made before voting in that state), superdelegates will only vote on the first ballot at the national convention if half of the total number of delegates -- pledged plus superdelegates -- have been pledged to one candidate. Otherwise, superdelegates are locked out of the voting unless 1) the convention adopts rules that allow them to vote or 2) the voting process extends to a second ballot. But then all delegates, not just superdelegates will be free to vote for any candidate.
[NOTE: All Democratic delegates are pledged and not bound to their candidates. They are to vote in good conscience for the candidate to whom they have been pledged, but technically do not have to. But they tend to because the candidates and their campaigns are involved in vetting and selecting their delegates through the various selection processes on the state level. Well, the good campaigns are anyway.]
Selection
All 31 pledged delegates in Arkansas will be selected at the state convention on May 30. District delegates will be chosen in district caucuses at the convention based on district results to the March primary while the full body will select both PLEO and then at-large delegates based on the statewide results.
Importantly, if a candidate drops out of the race before the selection of statewide delegates, then any statewide delegates allocated to that candidate will be reallocated to the remaining candidates. If Candidate X is in the race in late May when the Arkansas statewide delegate selection takes place but Candidate Y is not, then any statewide delegates allocated to Candidate Y in the March primary would be reallocated to Candidate X. [This same feature is not something that applies to district delegates.] This reallocation only applies if a candidate has fully dropped out. Candidates with suspended campaigns are still candidates and can fill those slots allocated them.
Election type: primary
Date: March 3
Number of delegates: 36 [7 at-large, 4 PLEOs, 20 congressional district, 5 automatic/superdelegates]
Allocation method: proportional statewide and at the congressional district level
Threshold to qualify for delegates: 15%
2016: proportional primary
Delegate selection plan
--
Changes since 2016
If one followed the 2016 series on the Republican process here at FHQ, then you may end up somewhat disappointed. The two national parties manage the presidential nomination process differently. The Republican National Committee is much less hands-on in regulating state and state party activity in the delegate selection process than the Democratic National Committee is. That leads to a lot of variation from state to state and from cycle to cycle on the Republican side. Meanwhile, the DNC is much more top down in its approach. Thresholds stay the same. It is a 15 percent barrier that candidates must cross in order to qualify for delegates. That is standard across all states. The allocation of delegates is roughly proportional. Again, that is applied to every state.
That does not mean there are no changes. The calendar has changed as have other facets of the process such as whether a state has a primary or a caucus.
While Arkansas retained its Super Tuesday position on the 2020 primary calendar, the Natural state took a circuitous route getting [back] there. Following the 2016 cycle, the law passed in 2015 to shift the Arkansas presidential primary from May to March expired. That reverted the primary to the late May date on which it has been scheduled throughout much of the post-reform era. But in 2019, the Arkansas legislature once again moved to reposition the Arkansas presidential primary for the 2020 cycle and beyond. The difference was that the legislation was passed and signed into law with no sunset clause, and the primary is scheduled for the first Tuesday after the first Monday in March until the state legislature acts to change that.
One additional difference over 2016 is also that Arkansas lost one district delegate as the other categories' totals remained constant. But outside of that, much remains the same in 2020 as it was in 2016 in the Natural state.
Thresholds
The standard 15 percent qualifying threshold applies both statewide and on the congressional district level.
Delegate allocation (at-large and PLEO delegates)
To win any at-large or PLEO (pledged Party Leader and Elected Officials) delegates a candidate must win 15 percent of the statewide vote. Only the votes of those candidates above the threshold will count for the purposes of the separate allocation of these two pools of delegates.
See New Hampshire synopsis for an example of how the delegate allocation math works for all categories of delegates.
Delegate allocation (congressional district delegates)
Arkansas's 20 congressional district delegates are split across four congressional districts and have some muted variation across districts from the measure of Democratic strength Arkansas Democrats are using based on the results of the 2012 and 2016 presidential elections in the state. That method apportions delegates as follows...
CD1 - 4 delegates [Jonesboro]
CD2 - 6 delegates [Little Rock]
CD3 - 5 delegates* [Hot Springs]
CD4 - 5 delegates* [Fayetteville]
*Bear in mind that districts with odd numbers of national convention delegates are potentially important to winners (and those above the qualifying threshold) within those districts. Rounding up for an extra delegate initially requires less in those districts than in districts with even numbers of delegates.
Delegate allocation (automatic delegates/superdelegates)
Superdelegates are free to align with a candidate of their choice at a time of their choosing. While their support may be a signal to voters in their state (if an endorsement is made before voting in that state), superdelegates will only vote on the first ballot at the national convention if half of the total number of delegates -- pledged plus superdelegates -- have been pledged to one candidate. Otherwise, superdelegates are locked out of the voting unless 1) the convention adopts rules that allow them to vote or 2) the voting process extends to a second ballot. But then all delegates, not just superdelegates will be free to vote for any candidate.
[NOTE: All Democratic delegates are pledged and not bound to their candidates. They are to vote in good conscience for the candidate to whom they have been pledged, but technically do not have to. But they tend to because the candidates and their campaigns are involved in vetting and selecting their delegates through the various selection processes on the state level. Well, the good campaigns are anyway.]
Selection
All 31 pledged delegates in Arkansas will be selected at the state convention on May 30. District delegates will be chosen in district caucuses at the convention based on district results to the March primary while the full body will select both PLEO and then at-large delegates based on the statewide results.
Importantly, if a candidate drops out of the race before the selection of statewide delegates, then any statewide delegates allocated to that candidate will be reallocated to the remaining candidates. If Candidate X is in the race in late May when the Arkansas statewide delegate selection takes place but Candidate Y is not, then any statewide delegates allocated to Candidate Y in the March primary would be reallocated to Candidate X. [This same feature is not something that applies to district delegates.] This reallocation only applies if a candidate has fully dropped out. Candidates with suspended campaigns are still candidates and can fill those slots allocated them.
2020 Democratic Delegate Allocation: AMERICAN SAMOA
AMERICAN SAMOA
Election type: territorial caucuses
Date: March 3
Number of delegates: 11 [6 at-large delegates, 5 automatic/superdelegates]
Allocation method: proportional territory-wide
Threshold to qualify for delegates: 15%
2016: territorial caucuses
Delegate selection plan
--
Changes since 2016
If one followed the 2016 series on the Republican process here at FHQ, then you may end up somewhat disappointed. The two national parties manage the presidential nomination process differently. The Republican National Committee is much less hands-on in regulating state and state party activity in the delegate selection process than the Democratic National Committee is. That leads to a lot of variation from state to state and from cycle to cycle on the Republican side. Meanwhile, the DNC is much more top down in its approach. Thresholds stay the same. It is a 15 percent barrier that candidates must cross in order to qualify for delegates. That is standard across all states. The allocation of delegates is roughly proportional. Again, that is applied to every state.
That does not mean there are no changes. The calendar has changed as have other facets of the process such as whether a state has a primary or a caucus.
Democrats in the American Samoa kept their Super Tuesday position on the 2020 primary calendar, keeping the territory on Super Tuesday for the fourth consecutive cycle. One difference over 2016 is that American Samoa gained one more superdelegate to bring the total delegation to 11. But the number of pledged delegates remained constant (under DNC rules for the territories), and outside of the additional superdelegate, much remains the same in 2020 as it was in 2016 in the Pacific territory.
Thresholds
The standard 15 percent qualifying threshold applies territory-wide for the allocation of the six at-large delegates.
Delegate allocation (at-large)
To win any at-large delegates a candidate must win 15 percent of the territory-wide vote in the caucuses. Only the votes of those candidates above the threshold will count for the purposes of the allocation of those delegates.
See New Hampshire synopsis for an example of how the delegate allocation math works for all categories of delegates.
Delegate allocation (congressional district delegates)
There are no congressional districts or other subdivisions within the American Samoa and as such there are no district delegates to allocate in the March 3 caucuses.
Delegate allocation (automatic delegates/superdelegates)
Superdelegates are free to align with a candidate of their choice at a time of their choosing. While their support may be a signal to voters in their state (if an endorsement is made before voting in that state), superdelegates will only vote on the first ballot at the national convention if half of the total number of delegates -- pledged plus superdelegates -- have been pledged to one candidate. Otherwise, superdelegates are locked out of the voting unless 1) the convention adopts rules that allow them to vote or 2) the voting process extends to a second ballot. But then all delegates, not just superdelegates will be free to vote for any candidate.
[NOTE: All Democratic delegates are pledged and not bound to their candidates. They are to vote in good conscience for the candidate to whom they have been pledged, but technically do not have to. But they tend to because the candidates and their campaigns are involved in vetting and selecting their delegates through the various selection processes on the state level. Well, the good campaigns are anyway.]
Selection
The six at-large delegates to the national convention from American Samoa will be selected at the March 3 territory-wide caucuses. Delegate candidates are to have filed by March 3 and will be selected in proportion to the vote of qualifying candidates in the caucuses.
Election type: territorial caucuses
Date: March 3
Number of delegates: 11 [6 at-large delegates, 5 automatic/superdelegates]
Allocation method: proportional territory-wide
Threshold to qualify for delegates: 15%
2016: territorial caucuses
Delegate selection plan
--
Changes since 2016
If one followed the 2016 series on the Republican process here at FHQ, then you may end up somewhat disappointed. The two national parties manage the presidential nomination process differently. The Republican National Committee is much less hands-on in regulating state and state party activity in the delegate selection process than the Democratic National Committee is. That leads to a lot of variation from state to state and from cycle to cycle on the Republican side. Meanwhile, the DNC is much more top down in its approach. Thresholds stay the same. It is a 15 percent barrier that candidates must cross in order to qualify for delegates. That is standard across all states. The allocation of delegates is roughly proportional. Again, that is applied to every state.
That does not mean there are no changes. The calendar has changed as have other facets of the process such as whether a state has a primary or a caucus.
Democrats in the American Samoa kept their Super Tuesday position on the 2020 primary calendar, keeping the territory on Super Tuesday for the fourth consecutive cycle. One difference over 2016 is that American Samoa gained one more superdelegate to bring the total delegation to 11. But the number of pledged delegates remained constant (under DNC rules for the territories), and outside of the additional superdelegate, much remains the same in 2020 as it was in 2016 in the Pacific territory.
Thresholds
The standard 15 percent qualifying threshold applies territory-wide for the allocation of the six at-large delegates.
Delegate allocation (at-large)
To win any at-large delegates a candidate must win 15 percent of the territory-wide vote in the caucuses. Only the votes of those candidates above the threshold will count for the purposes of the allocation of those delegates.
See New Hampshire synopsis for an example of how the delegate allocation math works for all categories of delegates.
Delegate allocation (congressional district delegates)
There are no congressional districts or other subdivisions within the American Samoa and as such there are no district delegates to allocate in the March 3 caucuses.
Delegate allocation (automatic delegates/superdelegates)
Superdelegates are free to align with a candidate of their choice at a time of their choosing. While their support may be a signal to voters in their state (if an endorsement is made before voting in that state), superdelegates will only vote on the first ballot at the national convention if half of the total number of delegates -- pledged plus superdelegates -- have been pledged to one candidate. Otherwise, superdelegates are locked out of the voting unless 1) the convention adopts rules that allow them to vote or 2) the voting process extends to a second ballot. But then all delegates, not just superdelegates will be free to vote for any candidate.
[NOTE: All Democratic delegates are pledged and not bound to their candidates. They are to vote in good conscience for the candidate to whom they have been pledged, but technically do not have to. But they tend to because the candidates and their campaigns are involved in vetting and selecting their delegates through the various selection processes on the state level. Well, the good campaigns are anyway.]
Selection
The six at-large delegates to the national convention from American Samoa will be selected at the March 3 territory-wide caucuses. Delegate candidates are to have filed by March 3 and will be selected in proportion to the vote of qualifying candidates in the caucuses.
2020 Democratic Delegate Allocation: ALABAMA
ALABAMA
Election type: primary
Date: March 3
Number of delegates: 60 [11 at-large, 7 PLEOs, 34 congressional district, 8 automatic/superdelegates]
Allocation method: proportional statewide and at the congressional district level
Threshold to qualify for delegates: 15%
2016: proportional primary
Delegate selection plan
--
Changes since 2016
If one followed the 2016 series on the Republican process here at FHQ, then you may end up somewhat disappointed. The two national parties manage the presidential nomination process differently. The Republican National Committee is much less hands-on in regulating state and state party activity in the delegate selection process than the Democratic National Committee is. That leads to a lot of variation from state to state and from cycle to cycle on the Republican side. Meanwhile, the DNC is much more top down in its approach. Thresholds stay the same. It is a 15 percent barrier that candidates must cross in order to qualify for delegates. That is standard across all states. The allocation of delegates is roughly proportional. Again, that is applied to every state.
That does not mean there are no changes. The calendar has changed as have other facets of the process such as whether a state has a primary or a caucus.
Alabama retained its Super Tuesday position on the 2020 primary calendar, keeping the state in March for the third straight cycle and on the first Tuesday in March for the second consecutive cycle. One difference over 2016 is that Alabama lost one district delegate but gained two more superdelegates. But outside of that, much remains the same in 2020 as it was in 2016 in the Yellowhammer state.
Thresholds
The standard 15 percent qualifying threshold applies both statewide and on the congressional district level.
Delegate allocation (at-large and PLEO delegates)
To win any at-large or PLEO (pledged Party Leader and Elected Officials) delegates a candidate must win 15 percent of the statewide vote. Only the votes of those candidates above the threshold will count for the purposes of the separate allocation of these two pools of delegates.
See New Hampshire synopsis for an example of how the delegate allocation math works for all categories of delegates.
Delegate allocation (congressional district delegates)
Alabama's 34 congressional district delegates are split across seven congressional districts and have some variation across districts from the measure of Democratic strength Alabama Democrats are using based on the results of the 2016 presidential election and the 2018 gubernatorial election in the state. That method apportions delegates as follows...
CD1 - 5 delegates* [Mobile]
CD2 - 5 delegates* [Montgomery]
CD3 - 4 delegates [Auburn]
CD4 - 3 delegates* [Gadsden]
CD5 - 5 delegates* [Huntsville]
CD6 - 4 delegates [Hoover]
CD7 - 8 delegates [Birmingham, Tuscaloosa]
*Bear in mind that districts with odd numbers of national convention delegates are potentially important to winners (and those above the qualifying threshold) within those districts. Rounding up for an extra delegate initially requires less in those districts than in districts with even numbers of delegates.
Delegate allocation (automatic delegates/superdelegates)
Superdelegates are free to align with a candidate of their choice at a time of their choosing. While their support may be a signal to voters in their state (if an endorsement is made before voting in that state), superdelegates will only vote on the first ballot at the national convention if half of the total number of delegates -- pledged plus superdelegates -- have been pledged to one candidate. Otherwise, superdelegates are locked out of the voting unless 1) the convention adopts rules that allow them to vote or 2) the voting process extends to a second ballot. But then all delegates, not just superdelegates will be free to vote for any candidate.
[NOTE: All Democratic delegates are pledged and not bound to their candidates. They are to vote in good conscience for the candidate to whom they have been pledged, but technically do not have to. But they tend to because the candidates and their campaigns are involved in vetting and selecting their delegates through the various selection processes on the state level. Well, the good campaigns are anyway.]
Selection
All 34 of the district delegates in Alabama will be elected on the March 3 primary ballot. Filing for ballot access closed on November 8, 2019. While a campaign's inability to file a full slate by then is often a signal of lack of organization, those same campaigns are not shut out of delegate positions if they are allocated them in the primary but do not have a full slate to fill them. In that case, the campaign would have an opportunity to fill those empty allocated slots at a scheduled March 28 meeting conducted by the state party. The PLEO and then at-large delegates will be selected on April 4 by the state executive committee based on the statewide results in the primary.
Importantly, if a candidate drops out of the race before the selection of statewide delegates, then any statewide delegates allocated to that candidate will be reallocated to the remaining candidates. If Candidate X is in the race in early April when the Alabama statewide delegate selection takes place but Candidate Y is not, then any statewide delegates allocated to Candidate Y in the March primary would be reallocated to Candidate X. [This same feature is not something that applies to district delegates.] This reallocation only applies if a candidate has fully dropped out. Candidates with suspended campaigns are still candidates and can fill those slots allocated them.
Election type: primary
Date: March 3
Number of delegates: 60 [11 at-large, 7 PLEOs, 34 congressional district, 8 automatic/superdelegates]
Allocation method: proportional statewide and at the congressional district level
Threshold to qualify for delegates: 15%
2016: proportional primary
Delegate selection plan
--
Changes since 2016
If one followed the 2016 series on the Republican process here at FHQ, then you may end up somewhat disappointed. The two national parties manage the presidential nomination process differently. The Republican National Committee is much less hands-on in regulating state and state party activity in the delegate selection process than the Democratic National Committee is. That leads to a lot of variation from state to state and from cycle to cycle on the Republican side. Meanwhile, the DNC is much more top down in its approach. Thresholds stay the same. It is a 15 percent barrier that candidates must cross in order to qualify for delegates. That is standard across all states. The allocation of delegates is roughly proportional. Again, that is applied to every state.
That does not mean there are no changes. The calendar has changed as have other facets of the process such as whether a state has a primary or a caucus.
Alabama retained its Super Tuesday position on the 2020 primary calendar, keeping the state in March for the third straight cycle and on the first Tuesday in March for the second consecutive cycle. One difference over 2016 is that Alabama lost one district delegate but gained two more superdelegates. But outside of that, much remains the same in 2020 as it was in 2016 in the Yellowhammer state.
Thresholds
The standard 15 percent qualifying threshold applies both statewide and on the congressional district level.
Delegate allocation (at-large and PLEO delegates)
To win any at-large or PLEO (pledged Party Leader and Elected Officials) delegates a candidate must win 15 percent of the statewide vote. Only the votes of those candidates above the threshold will count for the purposes of the separate allocation of these two pools of delegates.
See New Hampshire synopsis for an example of how the delegate allocation math works for all categories of delegates.
Delegate allocation (congressional district delegates)
Alabama's 34 congressional district delegates are split across seven congressional districts and have some variation across districts from the measure of Democratic strength Alabama Democrats are using based on the results of the 2016 presidential election and the 2018 gubernatorial election in the state. That method apportions delegates as follows...
CD1 - 5 delegates* [Mobile]
CD2 - 5 delegates* [Montgomery]
CD3 - 4 delegates [Auburn]
CD4 - 3 delegates* [Gadsden]
CD5 - 5 delegates* [Huntsville]
CD6 - 4 delegates [Hoover]
CD7 - 8 delegates [Birmingham, Tuscaloosa]
*Bear in mind that districts with odd numbers of national convention delegates are potentially important to winners (and those above the qualifying threshold) within those districts. Rounding up for an extra delegate initially requires less in those districts than in districts with even numbers of delegates.
Delegate allocation (automatic delegates/superdelegates)
Superdelegates are free to align with a candidate of their choice at a time of their choosing. While their support may be a signal to voters in their state (if an endorsement is made before voting in that state), superdelegates will only vote on the first ballot at the national convention if half of the total number of delegates -- pledged plus superdelegates -- have been pledged to one candidate. Otherwise, superdelegates are locked out of the voting unless 1) the convention adopts rules that allow them to vote or 2) the voting process extends to a second ballot. But then all delegates, not just superdelegates will be free to vote for any candidate.
[NOTE: All Democratic delegates are pledged and not bound to their candidates. They are to vote in good conscience for the candidate to whom they have been pledged, but technically do not have to. But they tend to because the candidates and their campaigns are involved in vetting and selecting their delegates through the various selection processes on the state level. Well, the good campaigns are anyway.]
Selection
All 34 of the district delegates in Alabama will be elected on the March 3 primary ballot. Filing for ballot access closed on November 8, 2019. While a campaign's inability to file a full slate by then is often a signal of lack of organization, those same campaigns are not shut out of delegate positions if they are allocated them in the primary but do not have a full slate to fill them. In that case, the campaign would have an opportunity to fill those empty allocated slots at a scheduled March 28 meeting conducted by the state party. The PLEO and then at-large delegates will be selected on April 4 by the state executive committee based on the statewide results in the primary.
Importantly, if a candidate drops out of the race before the selection of statewide delegates, then any statewide delegates allocated to that candidate will be reallocated to the remaining candidates. If Candidate X is in the race in early April when the Alabama statewide delegate selection takes place but Candidate Y is not, then any statewide delegates allocated to Candidate Y in the March primary would be reallocated to Candidate X. [This same feature is not something that applies to district delegates.] This reallocation only applies if a candidate has fully dropped out. Candidates with suspended campaigns are still candidates and can fill those slots allocated them.
Sunday, February 23, 2020
2020 Democratic Delegate Allocation: SOUTH CAROLINA
SOUTH CAROLINA
Election type: primary
Date: February 29
Number of delegates: 63 [12 at-large, 7 PLEOs, 35 congressional district, 9 automatic/superdelegates]
Allocation method: proportional statewide and at the congressional district level
Threshold to qualify for delegates: 15%
2016: proportional primary
Delegate selection plan
--
Changes since 2016
If one followed the 2016 series on the Republican process here at FHQ, then you may end up somewhat disappointed. The two national parties manage the presidential nomination process differently. The Republican National Committee is much less hands-on in regulating state and state party activity in the delegate selection process than the Democratic National Committee is. That leads to a lot of variation from state to state and from cycle to cycle on the Republican side. Meanwhile, the DNC is much more top down in its approach. Thresholds stay the same. It is a 15 percent barrier that candidates must cross in order to qualify for delegates. That is standard across all states. The allocation of delegates is roughly proportional. Again, that is applied to every state.
That does not mean there are no changes. The calendar has changed as have other facets of the process such as whether a state has a primary or a caucus.
South Carolina retained its protected position on the 2020 primary calendar among the earliest four states in February. One difference over 2016 is that South Carolina has an additional at-large delegate and three more superdelegates, raising the number of at-large delegates to 12 and automatic delegates from six to nine.
Thresholds
The standard 15 percent qualifying threshold applies both statewide and on the congressional district level.
Delegate allocation (at-large and PLEO delegates)
To win any at-large or PLEO (pledged Party Leader and Elected Officials) delegates a candidate must win 15 percent of the statewide vote. Only the votes of those candidates above the threshold will count for the purposes of the separate allocation of these two pools of delegates.
See New Hampshire synopsis for an example of how the delegate allocation math works for all categories of delegates.
Delegate allocation (congressional district delegates)
South Carolina's 35 congressional district delegates are split across seven congressional districts and have more variation across districts than in the previous three states to vote. That variation comes from the measure of Democratic strength South Carolina Democrats are using based on the results of the 2016 presidential election and the 2018 gubernatorial election in the Palmetto state. That method apportions delegates as follows...
CD1 - 6 delegates [Charleston]
CD2 - 4 delegates [Aiken, Clemson]
CD3 - 3 delegates* [Anderson]
CD4 - 4 delegates [Greenville]
CD5 - 5 delegates* [Rock Hill]
CD6 - 8 delegates [Columbia, Orangeburg]
CD7 - 5 delegates* [Florence, Myrtle Beach]
*Bear in mind that districts with odd numbers of national convention delegates are potentially important to winners (and those above the qualifying threshold) within those districts. Rounding up for an extra delegate initially requires less in those districts than in districts with even numbers of delegates.
Delegate allocation (automatic delegates/superdelegates)
Superdelegates are free to align with a candidate of their choice at a time of their choosing. While their support may be a signal to voters in their state (if an endorsement is made before voting in that state), superdelegates will only vote on the first ballot at the national convention if half of the total number of delegates -- pledged plus superdelegates -- have been pledged to one candidate. Otherwise, superdelegates are locked out of the voting unless 1) the convention adopts rules that allow them to vote or 2) the voting process extends to a second ballot. But then all delegates, not just superdelegates will be free to vote for any candidate.
[NOTE: All Democratic delegates are pledged and not bound to their candidates. They are to vote in good conscience for the candidate to whom they have been pledged, but technically do not have to. But they tend to because the candidates and their campaigns are involved in vetting and selecting their delegates through the various selection processes on the state level. Well, the good campaigns are anyway.]
Selection
All 54 pledged delegates in South Carolina will be selected at the state convention on May 30. District delegates will be chosen in district caucuses at the convention based on district results to the February primary while the full body will select both PLEO and then at-large delegates based on the statewide results.
Importantly, if a candidate drops out of the race before the selection of statewide delegates, then any statewide delegates allocated to that candidate will be reallocated to the remaining candidates. If Candidate X is in the race in late May when the South Carolina statewide delegate selection takes place but Candidate Y is not, then any statewide delegates allocated to Candidate Y in the February primary would be reallocated to Candidate X. [This same feature is not something that applies to district delegates.] This reallocation only applies if a candidate has fully dropped out. Candidates with suspended campaigns are still candidates and can fill those slots allocated them.
Election type: primary
Date: February 29
Number of delegates: 63 [12 at-large, 7 PLEOs, 35 congressional district, 9 automatic/superdelegates]
Allocation method: proportional statewide and at the congressional district level
Threshold to qualify for delegates: 15%
2016: proportional primary
Delegate selection plan
--
Changes since 2016
If one followed the 2016 series on the Republican process here at FHQ, then you may end up somewhat disappointed. The two national parties manage the presidential nomination process differently. The Republican National Committee is much less hands-on in regulating state and state party activity in the delegate selection process than the Democratic National Committee is. That leads to a lot of variation from state to state and from cycle to cycle on the Republican side. Meanwhile, the DNC is much more top down in its approach. Thresholds stay the same. It is a 15 percent barrier that candidates must cross in order to qualify for delegates. That is standard across all states. The allocation of delegates is roughly proportional. Again, that is applied to every state.
That does not mean there are no changes. The calendar has changed as have other facets of the process such as whether a state has a primary or a caucus.
South Carolina retained its protected position on the 2020 primary calendar among the earliest four states in February. One difference over 2016 is that South Carolina has an additional at-large delegate and three more superdelegates, raising the number of at-large delegates to 12 and automatic delegates from six to nine.
Thresholds
The standard 15 percent qualifying threshold applies both statewide and on the congressional district level.
Delegate allocation (at-large and PLEO delegates)
To win any at-large or PLEO (pledged Party Leader and Elected Officials) delegates a candidate must win 15 percent of the statewide vote. Only the votes of those candidates above the threshold will count for the purposes of the separate allocation of these two pools of delegates.
See New Hampshire synopsis for an example of how the delegate allocation math works for all categories of delegates.
Delegate allocation (congressional district delegates)
South Carolina's 35 congressional district delegates are split across seven congressional districts and have more variation across districts than in the previous three states to vote. That variation comes from the measure of Democratic strength South Carolina Democrats are using based on the results of the 2016 presidential election and the 2018 gubernatorial election in the Palmetto state. That method apportions delegates as follows...
CD1 - 6 delegates [Charleston]
CD2 - 4 delegates [Aiken, Clemson]
CD3 - 3 delegates* [Anderson]
CD4 - 4 delegates [Greenville]
CD5 - 5 delegates* [Rock Hill]
CD6 - 8 delegates [Columbia, Orangeburg]
CD7 - 5 delegates* [Florence, Myrtle Beach]
*Bear in mind that districts with odd numbers of national convention delegates are potentially important to winners (and those above the qualifying threshold) within those districts. Rounding up for an extra delegate initially requires less in those districts than in districts with even numbers of delegates.
Delegate allocation (automatic delegates/superdelegates)
Superdelegates are free to align with a candidate of their choice at a time of their choosing. While their support may be a signal to voters in their state (if an endorsement is made before voting in that state), superdelegates will only vote on the first ballot at the national convention if half of the total number of delegates -- pledged plus superdelegates -- have been pledged to one candidate. Otherwise, superdelegates are locked out of the voting unless 1) the convention adopts rules that allow them to vote or 2) the voting process extends to a second ballot. But then all delegates, not just superdelegates will be free to vote for any candidate.
[NOTE: All Democratic delegates are pledged and not bound to their candidates. They are to vote in good conscience for the candidate to whom they have been pledged, but technically do not have to. But they tend to because the candidates and their campaigns are involved in vetting and selecting their delegates through the various selection processes on the state level. Well, the good campaigns are anyway.]
Selection
All 54 pledged delegates in South Carolina will be selected at the state convention on May 30. District delegates will be chosen in district caucuses at the convention based on district results to the February primary while the full body will select both PLEO and then at-large delegates based on the statewide results.
Importantly, if a candidate drops out of the race before the selection of statewide delegates, then any statewide delegates allocated to that candidate will be reallocated to the remaining candidates. If Candidate X is in the race in late May when the South Carolina statewide delegate selection takes place but Candidate Y is not, then any statewide delegates allocated to Candidate Y in the February primary would be reallocated to Candidate X. [This same feature is not something that applies to district delegates.] This reallocation only applies if a candidate has fully dropped out. Candidates with suspended campaigns are still candidates and can fill those slots allocated them.
Friday, February 21, 2020
2020 Democratic Delegate Allocation: NEVADA
Updated: 2/22/20
NEVADA
Election type: caucus
Date: February 22
Number of delegates: 49 [8 at-large, 5 PLEOs, 23 congressional district, 13 automatic/superdelegates]
Allocation method: proportional statewide and at the congressional district level
Threshold to qualify for delegates: 15%
2016: proportional caucuses
Delegate selection plan
--
Changes since 2016
If one followed the 2016 series on the Republican process here at FHQ, then you may end up somewhat disappointed. The two national parties manage the presidential nomination process differently. The Republican National Committee is much less hands-on in regulating state and state party activity in the delegate selection process than the Democratic National Committee is. That leads to a lot of variation from state to state and from cycle to cycle on the Republican side. Meanwhile, the DNC is much more top down in its approach. Thresholds stay the same. It is a 15 percent barrier that candidates must cross in order to qualify for delegates. That is standard across all states. The allocation of delegates is roughly proportional. Again, that is applied to every state.
That does not mean there are no changes. The calendar has changed as have other facets of the process such as whether a state has a primary or a caucus.
Nevada retained its protected position on the 2020 primary calendar among the earliest four states in February. One difference over 2016 is that Nevada has an additional at-large delegate and four more superdelegates, raising the number of at-large delegates to eight and automatic delegates from eight to 12.
Additionally, the Nevada Democratic Party also added an early voting option in order to comply with some of the national party encouragements in Rule 2 to increase nomination contest participation. Silver state Democrats kept the caucuses, but added a layer. Unlike Iowa, where satellite caucus tallies were added to congressional district totals, the Nevada caucus early vote will feed directly in to the precinct in which the early voter would have cast his or her ballot (if they had shown up for the caucuses on February 22). Early voters are given a ranked choice voting preference card on which they select their top three preferences. That should reallocate most early caucus voters to a second or third preference if their first choice does not reach viability in the first round of caucusing.
[Theoretically, it is possible that an early caucusgoer's third option will also not be viable. There are 11 candidates listed but only seven are still active. Up to only six candidates can reach the 15 percent viability threshold. Any caucusgoer who has a top three of the odd candidate out and/or two to three candidates no longer active will not be counted in the final expression since they will not have any viable choices.]
Thresholds
The standard 15 percent qualifying threshold applies in Nevada both statewide and on the congressional district level.
But that 15 percent is arrived at in a different manner than in primary states. As in Iowa, candidates either reach viability -- the 15 percent threshold -- in the first expression of preference or they do not. Those who do, are viable for the next round while supporters of those who do not qualify are free to realign to viable candidate groups in their precinct for the final expression of preference.
And although the Nevada Democratic Party delegate selection plan does not specify what the national delegate allocation is tethered to -- other than "final expression" -- those final expression data are filtered through the number of delegates each precinct will send to the county conventions. That is then mapped onto the national convention delegate totals both statewide (at-large and PLEO) and at the congressional district level. Again, as in Iowa, Nevada will have a sort of state delegate equivalent datapoint from which national delegate allocation will be calculated.
The interesting quirk here is that all county delegates -- that important intermediary datapoint that is the final number each precinct is calculating for each viable candidate -- are not created equally. The number of county delegates each county receives is based on the number of Democratic voters registered in that county. But the scale is not uniform.
And the rough dividing line is between the seven counties with more than 4000 Democratic registrants and the ten counties with fewer than 4000 Democratic registrants.
In the seven counties with more than 4000 Democratic registrants, precincts receive one county delegate for every 50 registered Democrats. But the scale is different for counties with fewer than 4000 Democratic registrants. In those counties -- again, depending on size of the registrant pool -- the ratio of county delegates apportioned to Democratic registrants ranges from one county delegate for every five registered Democrats on the smaller end to one county delegate for every 35 registered Democrats in the counties with registered Democratic voter totals approaching 4000.
This may seem like a small thing on the surface, but it potentially matters for delegate allocation. First of all, it means that the smaller 10 counties end up punching slightly above their weight. Their share of county delegates is roughly greater than their share of Democratic registrants. The opposite is true for the seven largest counties. Their ratio of county delegates to Democratic registrants actually penalizes them relative to the smaller counties.
Now, there are a couple of caveats to add to all of this. While this would seemingly advantage the smaller, more rural counties in the state -- those with fewer Democrats -- the two largest counties (Clark and Washoe) make up over 90 percent of the registered Democrats in Nevada and almost 90 percent of the county delegate total.
To exploit the smaller counties in the national convention delegate count, then means keeping things close in the largest counties and running up the score in the smaller counties.
This is exactly how Obama got the better of Clinton in Nevada despite losing the popular vote there in 2008. Things were razor close in the big counties while Obama juiced the rural counties, dominating the county delegates race and thus the national convention delegates.
That brings things to the second caveat. The relationship between smaller and larger counties in Nevada and delegate count is much more straightforward in a two candidate, one-on-one race. In a multi-candidate race, it could mean that a candidate attempting to duplicate Obama's strategy outside of the big counties could be the only one above the viability threshold and take all of the county delegates from a given small county precinct. And that could serve to augment any advantages said candidate has in other areas of the state. If Sanders, as the current polling seems to suggest, has a cushion across the state, then he could do well in the larger counties, but also use the enthusiasm of activist supporters in those rural counties to shut others out of the county delegates and in the end some share of the national convention delegates.
Delegate allocation (at-large and PLEO delegates)
To win any at-large or PLEO (pledged Party Leader and Elected Officials) delegates a candidate must win 15 percent of the statewide vote. Only the votes of those candidates above the threshold will count for the purposes of the separate allocation of these two pools of delegates.
See New Hampshire synopsis for an example of how the delegate allocation math works for all categories of delegates.
Delegate allocation (congressional district delegates)
Nevada's 23 congressional district delegates are split across four congressional districts and all four have roughly the same Democratic strength based on the results of the 2012 and 2016 presidential elections in the Silver state. That method apportions delegates as follows...
CD1 - 5 delegates*
CD2 - 6 delegates
CD3 - 6 delegates
CD4 - 6 delegates
*Bear in mind that districts with odd numbers of national convention delegates are potentially important to winners within those districts. Rounding up for an extra delegate requires less in those districts than in districts with even numbers of delegates.
Delegate allocation (automatic delegates/superdelegates)
Superdelegates are free to align with a candidate of their choice at a time of their choosing. While their support may be a signal to voters in their state (if an endorsement is made before voting in that state), superdelegates will only vote on the first ballot at the national convention if half of the total number of delegates -- pledged plus superdelegates -- have been pledged to one candidate. Otherwise, superdelegates are locked out of the voting unless 1) the convention adopts rules that allow them to vote or 2) the voting process extends to a second ballot. But then all delegates, not just superdelegates will be free to vote for any candidate.
[NOTE: All Democratic delegates are pledged and not bound to their candidates. They are to vote in good conscience for the candidate to whom they have been pledged, but technically do not have to. But they tend to because the candidates and their campaigns are involved in vetting and selecting their delegates through the various selection processes on the state level. Well, the good campaigns are anyway.]
Selection
All 36 pledged delegates in Nevada will be selected at the state convention on May 30. District delegates will be chosen in district caucuses at the convention based on district results to the February precinct caucuses while the full body will select both PLEO and then at-large delegates based on the statewide results.
Importantly, if a candidate drops out of the race before the selection of statewide delegates, then any statewide delegates allocated to that candidate will be reallocated to the remaining candidates. If Candidate X is in the race in late May when the Nevada statewide delegate selection takes place but Candidate Y is not, then any statewide delegates allocated to Candidate Y would be reallocated to Candidate X. [This same feature is not something that applies to district delegates.] This reallocation only applies if a candidate has fully dropped out. Candidates with suspended campaigns are still candidates and can fill those slots allocated them.
NEVADA
Election type: caucus
Date: February 22
Number of delegates: 49 [8 at-large, 5 PLEOs, 23 congressional district, 13 automatic/superdelegates]
Allocation method: proportional statewide and at the congressional district level
Threshold to qualify for delegates: 15%
2016: proportional caucuses
Delegate selection plan
--
Changes since 2016
If one followed the 2016 series on the Republican process here at FHQ, then you may end up somewhat disappointed. The two national parties manage the presidential nomination process differently. The Republican National Committee is much less hands-on in regulating state and state party activity in the delegate selection process than the Democratic National Committee is. That leads to a lot of variation from state to state and from cycle to cycle on the Republican side. Meanwhile, the DNC is much more top down in its approach. Thresholds stay the same. It is a 15 percent barrier that candidates must cross in order to qualify for delegates. That is standard across all states. The allocation of delegates is roughly proportional. Again, that is applied to every state.
That does not mean there are no changes. The calendar has changed as have other facets of the process such as whether a state has a primary or a caucus.
Nevada retained its protected position on the 2020 primary calendar among the earliest four states in February. One difference over 2016 is that Nevada has an additional at-large delegate and four more superdelegates, raising the number of at-large delegates to eight and automatic delegates from eight to 12.
Additionally, the Nevada Democratic Party also added an early voting option in order to comply with some of the national party encouragements in Rule 2 to increase nomination contest participation. Silver state Democrats kept the caucuses, but added a layer. Unlike Iowa, where satellite caucus tallies were added to congressional district totals, the Nevada caucus early vote will feed directly in to the precinct in which the early voter would have cast his or her ballot (if they had shown up for the caucuses on February 22). Early voters are given a ranked choice voting preference card on which they select their top three preferences. That should reallocate most early caucus voters to a second or third preference if their first choice does not reach viability in the first round of caucusing.
[Theoretically, it is possible that an early caucusgoer's third option will also not be viable. There are 11 candidates listed but only seven are still active. Up to only six candidates can reach the 15 percent viability threshold. Any caucusgoer who has a top three of the odd candidate out and/or two to three candidates no longer active will not be counted in the final expression since they will not have any viable choices.]
Thresholds
The standard 15 percent qualifying threshold applies in Nevada both statewide and on the congressional district level.
But that 15 percent is arrived at in a different manner than in primary states. As in Iowa, candidates either reach viability -- the 15 percent threshold -- in the first expression of preference or they do not. Those who do, are viable for the next round while supporters of those who do not qualify are free to realign to viable candidate groups in their precinct for the final expression of preference.
And although the Nevada Democratic Party delegate selection plan does not specify what the national delegate allocation is tethered to -- other than "final expression" -- those final expression data are filtered through the number of delegates each precinct will send to the county conventions. That is then mapped onto the national convention delegate totals both statewide (at-large and PLEO) and at the congressional district level. Again, as in Iowa, Nevada will have a sort of state delegate equivalent datapoint from which national delegate allocation will be calculated.
The interesting quirk here is that all county delegates -- that important intermediary datapoint that is the final number each precinct is calculating for each viable candidate -- are not created equally. The number of county delegates each county receives is based on the number of Democratic voters registered in that county. But the scale is not uniform.
And the rough dividing line is between the seven counties with more than 4000 Democratic registrants and the ten counties with fewer than 4000 Democratic registrants.
In the seven counties with more than 4000 Democratic registrants, precincts receive one county delegate for every 50 registered Democrats. But the scale is different for counties with fewer than 4000 Democratic registrants. In those counties -- again, depending on size of the registrant pool -- the ratio of county delegates apportioned to Democratic registrants ranges from one county delegate for every five registered Democrats on the smaller end to one county delegate for every 35 registered Democrats in the counties with registered Democratic voter totals approaching 4000.
This may seem like a small thing on the surface, but it potentially matters for delegate allocation. First of all, it means that the smaller 10 counties end up punching slightly above their weight. Their share of county delegates is roughly greater than their share of Democratic registrants. The opposite is true for the seven largest counties. Their ratio of county delegates to Democratic registrants actually penalizes them relative to the smaller counties.
Now, there are a couple of caveats to add to all of this. While this would seemingly advantage the smaller, more rural counties in the state -- those with fewer Democrats -- the two largest counties (Clark and Washoe) make up over 90 percent of the registered Democrats in Nevada and almost 90 percent of the county delegate total.
To exploit the smaller counties in the national convention delegate count, then means keeping things close in the largest counties and running up the score in the smaller counties.
This is exactly how Obama got the better of Clinton in Nevada despite losing the popular vote there in 2008. Things were razor close in the big counties while Obama juiced the rural counties, dominating the county delegates race and thus the national convention delegates.
That brings things to the second caveat. The relationship between smaller and larger counties in Nevada and delegate count is much more straightforward in a two candidate, one-on-one race. In a multi-candidate race, it could mean that a candidate attempting to duplicate Obama's strategy outside of the big counties could be the only one above the viability threshold and take all of the county delegates from a given small county precinct. And that could serve to augment any advantages said candidate has in other areas of the state. If Sanders, as the current polling seems to suggest, has a cushion across the state, then he could do well in the larger counties, but also use the enthusiasm of activist supporters in those rural counties to shut others out of the county delegates and in the end some share of the national convention delegates.
Delegate allocation (at-large and PLEO delegates)
To win any at-large or PLEO (pledged Party Leader and Elected Officials) delegates a candidate must win 15 percent of the statewide vote. Only the votes of those candidates above the threshold will count for the purposes of the separate allocation of these two pools of delegates.
See New Hampshire synopsis for an example of how the delegate allocation math works for all categories of delegates.
Delegate allocation (congressional district delegates)
Nevada's 23 congressional district delegates are split across four congressional districts and all four have roughly the same Democratic strength based on the results of the 2012 and 2016 presidential elections in the Silver state. That method apportions delegates as follows...
CD1 - 5 delegates*
CD2 - 6 delegates
CD3 - 6 delegates
CD4 - 6 delegates
*Bear in mind that districts with odd numbers of national convention delegates are potentially important to winners within those districts. Rounding up for an extra delegate requires less in those districts than in districts with even numbers of delegates.
Delegate allocation (automatic delegates/superdelegates)
Superdelegates are free to align with a candidate of their choice at a time of their choosing. While their support may be a signal to voters in their state (if an endorsement is made before voting in that state), superdelegates will only vote on the first ballot at the national convention if half of the total number of delegates -- pledged plus superdelegates -- have been pledged to one candidate. Otherwise, superdelegates are locked out of the voting unless 1) the convention adopts rules that allow them to vote or 2) the voting process extends to a second ballot. But then all delegates, not just superdelegates will be free to vote for any candidate.
[NOTE: All Democratic delegates are pledged and not bound to their candidates. They are to vote in good conscience for the candidate to whom they have been pledged, but technically do not have to. But they tend to because the candidates and their campaigns are involved in vetting and selecting their delegates through the various selection processes on the state level. Well, the good campaigns are anyway.]
Selection
All 36 pledged delegates in Nevada will be selected at the state convention on May 30. District delegates will be chosen in district caucuses at the convention based on district results to the February precinct caucuses while the full body will select both PLEO and then at-large delegates based on the statewide results.
Importantly, if a candidate drops out of the race before the selection of statewide delegates, then any statewide delegates allocated to that candidate will be reallocated to the remaining candidates. If Candidate X is in the race in late May when the Nevada statewide delegate selection takes place but Candidate Y is not, then any statewide delegates allocated to Candidate Y would be reallocated to Candidate X. [This same feature is not something that applies to district delegates.] This reallocation only applies if a candidate has fully dropped out. Candidates with suspended campaigns are still candidates and can fill those slots allocated them.
Tuesday, February 11, 2020
2020 Democratic Delegate Allocation: NEW HAMPSHIRE
NEW HAMPSHIRE
Election type: primary
Date: February 11
Number of delegates: 33 [5 at-large, 3 PLEOs, 16 congressional district, 9 automatic/superdelegates]
Allocation method: proportional statewide and at the congressional district level
Threshold to qualify for delegates: 15%
2016: proportional primary
Delegate selection plan
--
Changes since 2016
If one followed the 2016 series on the Republican process here at FHQ, then you may end up somewhat disappointed. The two national parties manage the presidential nomination process differently. The Republican National Committee is much less hands-on in regulating state and state party activity in the delegate selection process than the Democratic National Committee is. That leads to a lot of variation from state to state and from cycle to cycle on the Republican side. Meanwhile, the DNC is much more top down in its approach. Thresholds stay the same. It is a 15 percent barrier that candidates must cross in order to qualify for delegates. That is standard across all states. The allocation of delegates is roughly proportional. Again, that is applied to every state.
That does not mean there are no changes. The calendar has changed as have other facets of the process such as whether a state has a primary or a caucus.
New Hampshire retained its protected position on the 2020 primary calendar as the first-in-the-nation primary and the second contest on the second Tuesday in February. The one difference over 2016 is that New Hampshire has an additional superdelegate, raising the number of automatic delegates from eight to nine. All the other delegate subgroupings are just the same as they were in 2016.
Thresholds
The standard 15 percent qualifying threshold applies in New Hampshire both statewide and on the congressional district level.
Delegate allocation (at-large and PLEO delegates)
To win any at-large or PLEO (pledged Party Leader and Elected Officials) delegates a candidate must win 15 percent of the statewide vote. Only the votes of those candidates above the threshold will count for the purposes of the separate allocation of these two pools of delegates.
If Candidate X receives 25 percent of the vote statewide and Candidate Y is the only other candidate above 15 percent with a 20 percent share of support then only that 45 percent total will apply to the allocation of the at-large and PLEO delegates. Those two candidates' total votes will be the denominator in the allocation formula. Candidate X would end up with 56 percent of the statewide delegates while Candidate Y would take the remaining 44 percent.
In New Hampshire under this scenario:
At-large (5 delegates)
Candidate X would be allocated 2.778 delegates [= 5 at-large delegates * .556] -- rounds to 3 delegates
Candidate Y would be allocated 2.222 delegates [= 5 at-large delegates * .444] -- rounds to 2 delegates
PLEO (3 delegates)
Candidate X would be allocated 1.667 delegates [= 3 PLEO delegates * .556] -- rounds to 2 delegates
Candidate Y would be allocated 1.333 delegates [= 5 PLEO delegates * .444] -- rounds to 1 delegate
Candidate X would be allocated 5 statewide delegates and Candidate Y would earn the remaining 3.
It is worth pointing out that this is uniform across the primary states. At-large and PLEO delegates are separate pools and allocated separately not together. However, both are based on the statewide vote. But because they are separated the rounding work out differently. That is especially true in smaller sized states. In the New Hampshire example above, had all of the statewide delegates been pooled and allocated together, then both candidates in the above scenario would have received four delegates each. The separated allocation led to Candidate X gaining an extra delegate. Yes, just one delegate, but depending on how close the delegate counts remain over time, then that difference multiplied across 57 contests may matter.
Delegate allocation (congressional district delegates)
New Hampshire has just two congressional districts and each of them has eight delegates that are allocated based on the results within the congressional district. Using the above scenario, one can assume that Candidate X won 27 percent in the first congressional district while Candidate Y took just 18 percent. Additionally, we can add a Candidate Z who finished statewide with 14 percent of the vote but 15 percent in the first congressional district.
CD1 (8 delegates)
Candidate X would be allocated 3.600 delegates [= 8 district delegates * .450] -- rounds to 4 delegates
Candidate Y would be allocated 2.400 delegates [= 8 district delegates * .300] -- rounds to 2 delegates
Candidate Z would be allocated 2.000 delegates [= 8 district delegates * .250] -- rounds to 2 delegates
In the event that too many delegates are allocated due to rounding, then candidate with the smallest remainder would lose a delegate. Should all of the delegates not be allocated, then the candidate with the largest remainder would receive any unallocated delegate.
In the second congressional district, one can assume (for simplicity) a tie between Candidate X and Candidate Y at 22.5 percent each.
Candidate Y would be allocated 4.000 delegates [= 8 district delegates * .500] -- rounds to 4 delegates
The point here across these two congressional district examples is to explore the different ways the allocation can go depending on how many candidates are above the threshold.
Delegate allocation (automatic delegates/superdelegates)
Superdelegates are free to align with a candidate of their choice at a time of their choosing. While their support may be a signal to voters in their state (if an endorsement is made before voting in that state), superdelegates will only vote on the first ballot at the national convention if half of the total number of delegates -- pledged plus superdelegates -- have been pledged to one candidate. Otherwise, superdelegates are locked out of the voting unless 1) the convention adopts rules that allow them to vote or 2) the voting process extends to a second ballot. But then all delegates, not just superdelegates will be free to vote for any candidate.
[NOTE: All Democratic delegates are pledged and not bound to their candidates. They are to vote in good conscience for the candidate to whom they have been pledged, but technically do not have to. But they tend to because the candidates and their campaigns are involved in vetting and selecting their delegates through the various selection processes on the state level. Well, the good campaigns are anyway.]
Selection
New Hampshire district delegates were slated and selected in a January 25, 2020 pre-primary caucus. Who fills those slots will be determined by the results in the congressional districts during the primary.
PLEO and then at-large delegates in that order will be selected at an April 25, 2020 post-primary caucus by the district delegates filled from the slates chosen in the pre-primary caucus. Those district delegates will be divided into groups based on presidential preference and those subgroups will choose any at-large and PLEO delegates allocated to the candidate to whom they are pledged. The district delegates for Candidate X would select the two PLEO and then 3 at-large delegates allocated to Candidate X based on the statewide result.
Importantly, if a candidate drops out of the race before the selection of statewide delegates, then any statewide delegates allocated to that candidate will be reallocated to the remaining candidates. If Candidate X is in the race in late April when the New Hampshire statewide delegate selection takes place but Candidate Y is not, then the three statewide delegates Candidate Y won would be reallocated to Candidate X. [This same feature is not something that applies to district delegates.] This reallocation only applies if a candidate has fully dropped out. Candidates with suspended campaigns are still candidates and can fill those slots allocated them.
Election type: primary
Date: February 11
Number of delegates: 33 [5 at-large, 3 PLEOs, 16 congressional district, 9 automatic/superdelegates]
Allocation method: proportional statewide and at the congressional district level
Threshold to qualify for delegates: 15%
2016: proportional primary
Delegate selection plan
--
Changes since 2016
If one followed the 2016 series on the Republican process here at FHQ, then you may end up somewhat disappointed. The two national parties manage the presidential nomination process differently. The Republican National Committee is much less hands-on in regulating state and state party activity in the delegate selection process than the Democratic National Committee is. That leads to a lot of variation from state to state and from cycle to cycle on the Republican side. Meanwhile, the DNC is much more top down in its approach. Thresholds stay the same. It is a 15 percent barrier that candidates must cross in order to qualify for delegates. That is standard across all states. The allocation of delegates is roughly proportional. Again, that is applied to every state.
That does not mean there are no changes. The calendar has changed as have other facets of the process such as whether a state has a primary or a caucus.
New Hampshire retained its protected position on the 2020 primary calendar as the first-in-the-nation primary and the second contest on the second Tuesday in February. The one difference over 2016 is that New Hampshire has an additional superdelegate, raising the number of automatic delegates from eight to nine. All the other delegate subgroupings are just the same as they were in 2016.
Thresholds
The standard 15 percent qualifying threshold applies in New Hampshire both statewide and on the congressional district level.
Delegate allocation (at-large and PLEO delegates)
To win any at-large or PLEO (pledged Party Leader and Elected Officials) delegates a candidate must win 15 percent of the statewide vote. Only the votes of those candidates above the threshold will count for the purposes of the separate allocation of these two pools of delegates.
If Candidate X receives 25 percent of the vote statewide and Candidate Y is the only other candidate above 15 percent with a 20 percent share of support then only that 45 percent total will apply to the allocation of the at-large and PLEO delegates. Those two candidates' total votes will be the denominator in the allocation formula. Candidate X would end up with 56 percent of the statewide delegates while Candidate Y would take the remaining 44 percent.
In New Hampshire under this scenario:
At-large (5 delegates)
Candidate X would be allocated 2.778 delegates [= 5 at-large delegates * .556] -- rounds to 3 delegates
Candidate Y would be allocated 2.222 delegates [= 5 at-large delegates * .444] -- rounds to 2 delegates
PLEO (3 delegates)
Candidate X would be allocated 1.667 delegates [= 3 PLEO delegates * .556] -- rounds to 2 delegates
Candidate Y would be allocated 1.333 delegates [= 5 PLEO delegates * .444] -- rounds to 1 delegate
Candidate X would be allocated 5 statewide delegates and Candidate Y would earn the remaining 3.
It is worth pointing out that this is uniform across the primary states. At-large and PLEO delegates are separate pools and allocated separately not together. However, both are based on the statewide vote. But because they are separated the rounding work out differently. That is especially true in smaller sized states. In the New Hampshire example above, had all of the statewide delegates been pooled and allocated together, then both candidates in the above scenario would have received four delegates each. The separated allocation led to Candidate X gaining an extra delegate. Yes, just one delegate, but depending on how close the delegate counts remain over time, then that difference multiplied across 57 contests may matter.
Delegate allocation (congressional district delegates)
New Hampshire has just two congressional districts and each of them has eight delegates that are allocated based on the results within the congressional district. Using the above scenario, one can assume that Candidate X won 27 percent in the first congressional district while Candidate Y took just 18 percent. Additionally, we can add a Candidate Z who finished statewide with 14 percent of the vote but 15 percent in the first congressional district.
CD1 (8 delegates)
Candidate X would be allocated 3.600 delegates [= 8 district delegates * .450] -- rounds to 4 delegates
Candidate Y would be allocated 2.400 delegates [= 8 district delegates * .300] -- rounds to 2 delegates
Candidate Z would be allocated 2.000 delegates [= 8 district delegates * .250] -- rounds to 2 delegates
In the event that too many delegates are allocated due to rounding, then candidate with the smallest remainder would lose a delegate. Should all of the delegates not be allocated, then the candidate with the largest remainder would receive any unallocated delegate.
In the second congressional district, one can assume (for simplicity) a tie between Candidate X and Candidate Y at 22.5 percent each.
CD2 (8 delegates)
Candidate X would be allocated 4.000 delegates [= 8 district delegates * .500] -- rounds to 4 delegatesCandidate Y would be allocated 4.000 delegates [= 8 district delegates * .500] -- rounds to 4 delegates
The point here across these two congressional district examples is to explore the different ways the allocation can go depending on how many candidates are above the threshold.
Delegate allocation (automatic delegates/superdelegates)
Superdelegates are free to align with a candidate of their choice at a time of their choosing. While their support may be a signal to voters in their state (if an endorsement is made before voting in that state), superdelegates will only vote on the first ballot at the national convention if half of the total number of delegates -- pledged plus superdelegates -- have been pledged to one candidate. Otherwise, superdelegates are locked out of the voting unless 1) the convention adopts rules that allow them to vote or 2) the voting process extends to a second ballot. But then all delegates, not just superdelegates will be free to vote for any candidate.
[NOTE: All Democratic delegates are pledged and not bound to their candidates. They are to vote in good conscience for the candidate to whom they have been pledged, but technically do not have to. But they tend to because the candidates and their campaigns are involved in vetting and selecting their delegates through the various selection processes on the state level. Well, the good campaigns are anyway.]
Selection
New Hampshire district delegates were slated and selected in a January 25, 2020 pre-primary caucus. Who fills those slots will be determined by the results in the congressional districts during the primary.
PLEO and then at-large delegates in that order will be selected at an April 25, 2020 post-primary caucus by the district delegates filled from the slates chosen in the pre-primary caucus. Those district delegates will be divided into groups based on presidential preference and those subgroups will choose any at-large and PLEO delegates allocated to the candidate to whom they are pledged. The district delegates for Candidate X would select the two PLEO and then 3 at-large delegates allocated to Candidate X based on the statewide result.
Importantly, if a candidate drops out of the race before the selection of statewide delegates, then any statewide delegates allocated to that candidate will be reallocated to the remaining candidates. If Candidate X is in the race in late April when the New Hampshire statewide delegate selection takes place but Candidate Y is not, then the three statewide delegates Candidate Y won would be reallocated to Candidate X. [This same feature is not something that applies to district delegates.] This reallocation only applies if a candidate has fully dropped out. Candidates with suspended campaigns are still candidates and can fill those slots allocated them.
Saturday, October 19, 2019
About that South Carolina Republican Party Defense of Canceling Its 2020 Presidential Primary
On Friday, October 18, the challenge to the cancelation of the 2020 presidential primary by the South Carolina Republican Party had its day in court.
While those who brought the suit leaned on the facts that the South Carolina Republican Party executive committee canceled the primary rather than the state convention and that that break with party rules is against state law calling on political parties to follow their own rules, the SCGOP came forth with a different set of arguments in favor of the change.
Part of that defense was built around the bipartisan precedents from previous cycles when incumbents have sought renomination. The Republican primary was canceled in 1984 and 2004 and Palmetto state Democrats backed out of their primaries in 1996 and 2012 when Clinton and Obama were running for second terms. But the defense of the cancelation took a turn when it was argued that South Carolina Republicans would have more not less power outside of a primary election. Under a caucus/convention system, national convention delegates would be unbound and able to be lobbied to support a candidate of South Carolina Republicans' collective wishes.
In a primary, those delegates would be bound to the winner of the primary (statewide and in each of the seven congressional districts).
Much of that belies the fact that there are rules that apply here; both national party rules and state party rules.
On the state party level, South Carolina delegates allocated to candidates under Rule 11.b.(5-6) based on the results of the primary are only bound under certain circumstances. If the winner either statewide or within a congressional district is no longer in the race, the the delegates are bound to the second place finisher. If that candidate is no longer in the race, then the delegates shift to the third place candidate.
But here is the key factor and where the national party rules come into play. If none of the top three candidates are placed in nomination under Rule 40(b), then the delegates from South Carolina head to the national convention unbound.
Now, the odds at this point in time point toward President Trump likely sweeping the 50 delegates from the Palmetto state as he did in 2016. Yes, that would mean those delegates would be bound to Trump (should his name be placed in nomination at the convention in Charlotte). Technically, that would mean delegates could not be lobbied by rank-and-file South Carolina Republicans as the state party's lawyers argued on Friday. However, if Trump's name is the only one placed in nomination, then that lobbying power is pretty hollow any way.
There will likely be a decision in the South Carolina circuit court later this month, but an appeal from the losing side to the South Carolina supreme court is probable.
--
Follow FHQ on Twitter and Facebook or subscribe by Email.
While those who brought the suit leaned on the facts that the South Carolina Republican Party executive committee canceled the primary rather than the state convention and that that break with party rules is against state law calling on political parties to follow their own rules, the SCGOP came forth with a different set of arguments in favor of the change.
Part of that defense was built around the bipartisan precedents from previous cycles when incumbents have sought renomination. The Republican primary was canceled in 1984 and 2004 and Palmetto state Democrats backed out of their primaries in 1996 and 2012 when Clinton and Obama were running for second terms. But the defense of the cancelation took a turn when it was argued that South Carolina Republicans would have more not less power outside of a primary election. Under a caucus/convention system, national convention delegates would be unbound and able to be lobbied to support a candidate of South Carolina Republicans' collective wishes.
In a primary, those delegates would be bound to the winner of the primary (statewide and in each of the seven congressional districts).
Much of that belies the fact that there are rules that apply here; both national party rules and state party rules.
On the state party level, South Carolina delegates allocated to candidates under Rule 11.b.(5-6) based on the results of the primary are only bound under certain circumstances. If the winner either statewide or within a congressional district is no longer in the race, the the delegates are bound to the second place finisher. If that candidate is no longer in the race, then the delegates shift to the third place candidate.
But here is the key factor and where the national party rules come into play. If none of the top three candidates are placed in nomination under Rule 40(b), then the delegates from South Carolina head to the national convention unbound.
Now, the odds at this point in time point toward President Trump likely sweeping the 50 delegates from the Palmetto state as he did in 2016. Yes, that would mean those delegates would be bound to Trump (should his name be placed in nomination at the convention in Charlotte). Technically, that would mean delegates could not be lobbied by rank-and-file South Carolina Republicans as the state party's lawyers argued on Friday. However, if Trump's name is the only one placed in nomination, then that lobbying power is pretty hollow any way.
There will likely be a decision in the South Carolina circuit court later this month, but an appeal from the losing side to the South Carolina supreme court is probable.
--
Follow FHQ on Twitter and Facebook or subscribe by Email.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)