Thursday, August 13, 2020

The Electoral College Map (8/13/20)

Update for August 13.


A slower Thursday than last week nonetheless delivered four polls from a variety of states across the Electoral College Spectrum here at FHQ. All told, a Strong Biden state, a Strong Trump state, a former blue wall state that is looking less close for the president in 2020 and one of the closest states on the board were all represented in the releases of the day. None, however, fundamentally changed the outlook of the race with just 82 days to go.


Polling Quick Hits:
California
(Biden 56, Trump 28):
Survey USA was in the field with a poll yesterday attempting to gauge the impact of the Biden decision to name Kamala Harris his running mate in her home state. Some undecideds and supporters of minor party candidates moved, but the overall impact was negligible. But then again, that is true of addition of most running mates and likely even more so when the pick is from a state with a decided partisan lean in favor of the nominee's party. California, after all, was never in any real danger of moving into the Republican column this fall. Regardless, this survey, while still favoring Biden by a significant margin, has both candidates running behind their respective party's candidates in 2016. Chalk that up to undecideds and those still supporting third party candidates, however.


Mississippi
(Trump 53, Biden 43):
Back east of the Mississippi, the picture in the Magnolia state looks virtually the same as it did before the addition of the Garin-Hart-Yang poll. The average margin between Biden and Trump in Mississippi here at FHQ has been around Trump +10 for weeks and this survey strayed a fraction of a point from that. The result was that Mississippi stayed just north of the Strong/Lean line on the Trump side of the ledger. But again, as was the case with Kansas a day ago, that Mississippi is within about ten points -- and still safely in the Trump column -- that is eight points off where things stood on election day four years ago. And most of the change is in Trump's support. Biden has gained a little more than a point on Hillary Clinton's pace in 2016, but Trump has lost more than six points. That swing toward the Democrats is in line with the overall shift averaged across all states. Right now that stands at 7.65 points from 2016.


North Carolina
(Biden 45, Trump 44):
The latest Harper Polling release in the Tar Heel state is consistent with other recent polling there showing a close race between the president and former vice president. But contra some of the most recent surveys there, this one has Biden narrowly ahead. And what is more, this poll marks an improvement for Biden since the firm was last in the field in North Carolina. While the former vice president was behind by three in the late May Harper survey, he holds a narrow lead now. Yes, that movement is small and within the margin of error, but it is in the direction of the movement in polling across the country during the summer months. The bottom line in North Carolina, however, remains that it is close and among the five closest states as August inches toward the national conventions.


Wisconsin
(Biden 55, Trump 43):
This is the fifth day in a row that results of a new survey have been released out of Wisconsin. And of those five polls, this Pulse Opinion Research survey finds Biden ahead by a margin twice as large as the next largest of the bunch. Yes, there have been other polls in the field in the Badger state this summer that have shown Biden up double digits, but those have been more rare than the ones that more consistently find the race in the mid-single digits. Count this one as an outlier unless other similar polls start to pop up with more regularity.



NOTE: A description of the methodology behind the graduated weighted average of 2020 state-level polling that FHQ uses for these projections can be found here.


The Electoral College Spectrum1
MA-112
(14)
NJ-14
(173)
WI-10
(252)
AK-3
(125)
UT-6
(60)
HI-4
(18)
OR-7
(180)
PA-203
NE CD2-1
(273 | 286)
MO-10
(122)
IN-11
(54)
CA-55
(73)
DE-3
(183)
FL-29
(302 | 265)
SC-9
(112)
ID-4
(43)
VT-3
(76)
CO-9
(192)
NV-6
(308 | 236)
KS-6
(103)
KY-8
(39)
NY-29
(105)
NM-5
(197)
AZ-11
(319 | 230)
MT-3
NE CD1-1
(97)
AL-9
(31)
WA-12
(117)
ME-2
(199)
NC-15
(334 | 219)
LA-8
(93)
ND-3
(22)
MD-10
(127)
VA-13
(212)
ME CD2-1
OH-18
(353 | 204)
MS-6
(87)
SD-3
(19)
IL-20
(147)
MN-10
(222)
GA-16
(185)
AR-6
(79)
OK-7
(16)
ME CD1-1
RI-4
(152)
MI-16
(238)
IA-6
(169)
NE-2
(73)
WV-5
(9)
CT-7
(159)
NH-4
(242)
TX-38
(163)
TN-11
(71)
WY-3
NE CD3-1
(4)
1 Follow the link for a detailed explanation on how to read the Electoral College Spectrum.

2 The numbers in the parentheses refer to the number of electoral votes a candidate would have if he or she won all the states ranked prior to that state. If, for example, Trump won all the states up to and including Pennsylvania (Biden's toss up states plus the Pennsylvania), he would have 286 electoral votes. Trump's numbers are only totaled through the states he would need in order to get to 270. In those cases, Biden's number is on the left and Trumps's is on the right in bold italics.


To keep the figure to 50 cells, Washington, DC and its three electoral votes are included in the beginning total on the Democratic side of the spectrum. The District has historically been the most Democratic state in the Electoral College.

3 Pennsylvania
 is the state where Biden crosses the 270 electoral vote threshold to win the presidential election, the tipping point state.

New data is always welcome from battleground states, but there is a premium placed on new information from the lesser surveyed states. The California and Mississippi polls add to the understanding of where the race currently is. In short, the 2020 polling has swung toward Joe Biden and the Democrats relative to 2016. And that is clear in battleground states and those safe on both sides of the partisan line alike. But none of these polls today did anything to push any of the four state from their spots on the Spectrum above.

It also changed nothing on the Watch List below. Those 13 states and other jurisdictions remain the ones to watch along with underpolled Nevada. New polling in any of those areas is more likely to change things around here than in other states.

--
There were no new polls from Nevada today.

Days since the last Nevada poll was in the field: 105.

--
NOTE: Distinctions are made between states based on how much they favor one candidate or another. States with a margin greater than 10 percent between Biden and Trump are "Strong" states. Those with a margin of 5 to 10 percent "Lean" toward one of the two (presumptive) nominees. Finally, states with a spread in the graduated weighted averages of both the candidates' shares of polling support less than 5 percent are "Toss Up" states. The darker a state is shaded in any of the figures here, the more strongly it is aligned with one of the candidates. Not all states along or near the boundaries between categories are close to pushing over into a neighboring group. Those most likely to switch -- those within a percentage point of the various lines of demarcation -- are included on the Watch List below.

The Watch List1
State
Potential Switch
Florida
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
Georgia
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Iowa
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Louisiana
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Maine
from Strong Biden
to Lean Biden
Maine CD2
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
Mississippi
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Missouri
from Toss Up Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD2
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
Ohio
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
Pennsylvania
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
South Carolina
from Lean Trump
to Toss Up Trump
Virginia
from Strong Biden
to Lean Biden
1 Graduated weighted average margin within a fraction of a point of changing categories.

--
Methodological Note: In past years, FHQ has tried some different ways of dealing with states with no polls or just one poll in the early rounds of these projections. It does help that the least polled states are often the least competitive. The only shortcoming is that those states may be a little off in the order in the Spectrum. In earlier cycles, a simple average of the state's three previous cycles has been used. But in 2016, FHQ strayed from that and constructed an average swing from 2012 to 2016 that was applied to states. That method, however, did little to prevent anomalies like the Kansas poll that had Clinton ahead from biasing the averages. In 2016, the early average swing in the aggregate was  too small to make much difference anyway. For 2020, FHQ has utilized an average swing among states that were around a little polled state in the rank ordering on election day in 2016. If there is just one poll in Delaware in 2020, for example, then maybe it is reasonable to account for what the comparatively greater amount of polling tells us about the changes in Connecticut, New Jersey and New Mexico. Or perhaps the polling in Iowa, Mississippi and South Carolina so far tells us a bit about what may be happening in Alaska where no public polling has been released. That will hopefully work a bit better than the overall average that may end up a bit more muted.


--
Related posts:
The Electoral College Map (8/12/20)

The Electoral College Map (8/11/20)

The Electoral College Map (8/10/20)


Follow FHQ on TwitterInstagram and Facebook or subscribe by Email.

Wednesday, August 12, 2020

The Electoral College Map (8/12/20)

Update for August 12.


Wednesday dawned with yet another wave in the Change Research battleground polling and also added some new data from a handful of competitive states as well as a couple where updates are always welcome.


Polling Quick Hits:
Arizona
(Biden 53, Trump 47):
With a likely voter screen a push for leaners, Biden's six point advantage in the Grand Canyon state in the new Emerson poll there ends up being on the high side of the range of margins that has emerged from recent polling. Still, of the 23 surveys that have been in the field in Arizona since the beginning of June, only three have not found Biden ahead. That consistency has built a fairly durable lead for the former vice president. Sure, some surveys have had margins that stretched into upper single digits, but Biden's edge there has settled into and area between three and four points. As of now, Arizona stands at Biden +3.38.


Kansas
(Trump 48, Biden 41):
The picture out of Kansas after the primary in the Sunflower state last week is one of a Trump advantage, but one that pales in comparison to 2016. The president's share of support in polling there has trailed off by nearly six points from his showing in the state four years ago. Meanwhile, Biden has risen to a level in Kansas on par with how Barack Obama performed (41 percent) in 2008, more than five points ahead of Hillary Clinton's pace there in 2016. All of that mean that the margin is closer, but Kansas remains a mostly comfortable state for the president. The Survey USA poll is consistent with that.


Massachusetts
(Biden 63, Trump 27):
MassINC was back in the field in the Bay state with another survey just a couple of weeks after the firm's last poll there. And the switch from registered to likely voters in that time made a difference. Both candidates gained, but Biden tacked on six points while Trump bumped up four. When leaners were included, Biden added another two points to his already wide margin in Massachusetts. This is a blue state and that will not change in November, but Biden is running a point and a half ahead of Clinton in the FHQ averages there. Meanwhile, Trump is about five points behind where he was on election day there in 2016. Massachusetts is the state in Biden's column the most out of Trump's reach as of now.


North Carolina
(Trump 51, Biden 49):
The most recent three polls conducted in the Tar Heel state have had Trump narrowly ahead. That includes the Emerson survey released after the update yesterday. But the impact of the addition of those polls has been minimal. North Carolina is and has been a competitive state, but one tipped in the former vice president's direction. But that advantage has ticked down a few tenths of a point under Biden +2 now. No, the state is not on the Watch List below, but more polls like the recent ones will have the Old North state on a trajectory toward it if they persist.


Pennsylvania
(Biden 53, Trump 47):
Like Arizona, 23 polls have been in the field in Pennsylvania since the beginning of June. And like Arizona, only a small number -- one poll in this case -- have not found Biden in the lead there. But while the same consistency is there in the Keystone state, the margins in Biden's favor have been larger and the FHQ average lead there bigger. This new Emerson poll only confirms that, finding the commonwealth six points away from Trump at the moment. And that is consistent with Biden +5.23 point lead there in the averages. And that 5.23 points is significant. Trump has to overcome that in Pennsylvania and elsewhere in order to win what continues to be the tipping point state here at FHQ.


Change Research (early August battleground poll wave):
It is a bit of a mixed bag with respect to the latest update from Change Research in the firm's eleventh wave of battleground polling. If one focuses on the margins alone, then Biden's margins increased in three states and Trump's in the other three. That is not exactly strong evidence of any real tightening in the race in the states that are currently huddled around the tipping point. However, once one considers the small-ish sample sizes in each battleground and how much the candidates lost or gained in their respective shares of support across these six states in the last few weeks, then it really does not add up to too much. Ultimately it is a shift of a point or two one way or the other. In other words, the sort of polling variability one would expect.

Arizona: Biden 45 (-2 since late July wave), Trump 44 (-1)
Florida: Biden 50 (+2), Trump 44 (-1)
Michigan: Biden 48 (+2), Trump 43 (+1)
North Carolina: Trump 48 (+2), Biden 47 (-2)
Pennsylvania: Biden 48 (+/-0), Trump 44 (-2)
Wisconsin: Biden 47 (-1), Trump 43 (+/-0)



NOTE: A description of the methodology behind the graduated weighted average of 2020 state-level polling that FHQ uses for these projections can be found here.


The Electoral College Spectrum1
MA-112
(14)
NJ-14
(173)
WI-10
(252)
AK-3
(125)
UT-6
(60)
HI-4
(18)
OR-7
(180)
PA-203
NE CD2-1
(273 | 286)
MO-10
(122)
IN-11
(54)
CA-55
(73)
DE-3
(183)
FL-29
(302 | 265)
SC-9
(112)
ID-4
(43)
VT-3
(76)
CO-9
(192)
NV-6
(308 | 236)
KS-6
(103)
KY-8
(39)
NY-29
(105)
NM-5
(197)
AZ-11
(319 | 230)
MT-3
NE CD1-1
(97)
AL-9
(31)
WA-12
(117)
ME-2
(199)
NC-15
(334 | 219)
LA-8
(93)
ND-3
(22)
MD-10
(127)
VA-13
(212)
ME CD2-1
OH-18
(353 | 204)
MS-6
(87)
SD-3
(19)
IL-20
(147)
MN-10
(222)
GA-16
(185)
AR-6
(79)
OK-7
(16)
ME CD1-1
RI-4
(152)
MI-16
(238)
IA-6
(169)
NE-2
(73)
WV-5
(9)
CT-7
(159)
NH-4
(242)
TX-38
(163)
TN-11
(71)
WY-3
NE CD3-1
(4)
1 Follow the link for a detailed explanation on how to read the Electoral College Spectrum.

2 The numbers in the parentheses refer to the number of electoral votes a candidate would have if he or she won all the states ranked prior to that state. If, for example, Trump won all the states up to and including Pennsylvania (Biden's toss up states plus the Pennsylvania), he would have 286 electoral votes. Trump's numbers are only totaled through the states he would need in order to get to 270. In those cases, Biden's number is on the left and Trumps's is on the right in bold italics.


To keep the figure to 50 cells, Washington, DC and its three electoral votes are included in the beginning total on the Democratic side of the spectrum. The District has historically been the most Democratic state in the Electoral College.

3 Pennsylvania
 is the state where Biden crosses the 270 electoral vote threshold to win the presidential election, the tipping point state.

Little changed on either the Electoral College Spectrum or the Watch List with the addition of today's polls. Kansas shifted up a cell on the Spectrum deeper into the Lean Trump category. And that move was enough to pull the Sunflower state off the List below. And that was not the only effect of that new Kansas survey. Since there is just one poll out of Nebraska's first district, it remains tethered to shifts in states that finished around it in 2016. Kansas is one of those states and the dip there also pulled NE CD1 off the List today as well. The only other change was brought about by exchanging the registered voter sample for the likely voter version in yesterday's Critical Insights survey of Maine. That change pushed the Pine Tree state average under 11 points, placing Biden's advantage there within a fraction of a point of the Lean Biden category. Maine joins the Watch List as a result.

Those 13 states and other jurisdictions remain the ones to watch along with underpolled Nevada.

--
There were no new polls from Nevada today.

Days since the last Nevada poll was in the field: 104.

--
NOTE: Distinctions are made between states based on how much they favor one candidate or another. States with a margin greater than 10 percent between Biden and Trump are "Strong" states. Those with a margin of 5 to 10 percent "Lean" toward one of the two (presumptive) nominees. Finally, states with a spread in the graduated weighted averages of both the candidates' shares of polling support less than 5 percent are "Toss Up" states. The darker a state is shaded in any of the figures here, the more strongly it is aligned with one of the candidates. Not all states along or near the boundaries between categories are close to pushing over into a neighboring group. Those most likely to switch -- those within a percentage point of the various lines of demarcation -- are included on the Watch List below.

The Watch List1
State
Potential Switch
Florida
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
Georgia
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Iowa
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Louisiana
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Maine
from Strong Biden
to Lean Biden
Maine CD2
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
Mississippi
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Missouri
from Toss Up Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD2
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
Ohio
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
Pennsylvania
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
South Carolina
from Lean Trump
to Toss Up Trump
Virginia
from Strong Biden
to Lean Biden
1 Graduated weighted average margin within a fraction of a point of changing categories.

--
Methodological Note: In past years, FHQ has tried some different ways of dealing with states with no polls or just one poll in the early rounds of these projections. It does help that the least polled states are often the least competitive. The only shortcoming is that those states may be a little off in the order in the Spectrum. In earlier cycles, a simple average of the state's three previous cycles has been used. But in 2016, FHQ strayed from that and constructed an average swing from 2012 to 2016 that was applied to states. That method, however, did little to prevent anomalies like the Kansas poll that had Clinton ahead from biasing the averages. In 2016, the early average swing in the aggregate was  too small to make much difference anyway. For 2020, FHQ has utilized an average swing among states that were around a little polled state in the rank ordering on election day in 2016. If there is just one poll in Delaware in 2020, for example, then maybe it is reasonable to account for what the comparatively greater amount of polling tells us about the changes in Connecticut, New Jersey and New Mexico. Or perhaps the polling in Iowa, Mississippi and South Carolina so far tells us a bit about what may be happening in Alaska where no public polling has been released. That will hopefully work a bit better than the overall average that may end up a bit more muted.


--
Related posts:
The Electoral College Map (8/11/20)

The Electoral College Map (8/10/20)

The Electoral College Map (8/9/20)


Follow FHQ on TwitterInstagram and Facebook or subscribe by Email.

Tuesday, August 11, 2020

The Electoral College Map (8/11/20)

Update for August 11.


With 12 weeks now until election day, the race for the White House continued on a fairly steady course through the lens of the FHQ graduated weighted averages. Biden holds onto a sizable projected lead in the Electoral College, and while Trump has leveled off some of late in national and state-level polls, Biden may have seen his pre-convention peak in July. And while there is some evidence in the state-level polls that the former vice president has seen his share of support trail off, his advantages where it counts -- around the tipping point state -- present challenges for an incumbent president attempting to get back in the race.


Polling Quick Hits:
Georgia
(Biden 46, Trump 44 via Survey USA | Biden 44, Trump 40 via HIT Strategies):
But the hunt for that evidence does not really extend into Georgia; at least not in these two polls. Just a simple average of the Peach state polls since the beginning of July has Biden and Trump knotted at 46 percent apiece. And neither of these polls strays too far from that. Yet, both find Biden narrowly ahead. And while that is the case, neither provided enough statistical oomph to push the Peach state over the partisan line and into Biden territory. However, together the polls cut into Trump's already small edge there. Georgia is now the most competitive of the Trump toss ups.


Maine
(Biden 45, Trump 38):
Up the Appalachian Trail in Maine, Critical Insights also found Biden in the lead, but by a smaller margin than the recent RMG Research survey of the Pine Tree state. That (and the lower than customary shares of support for both candidates) is (/are) owed in large part to the high number of respondents either remaining undecided or lining up behind another option in the survey. The shares may be off from other polling, but the margin is mostly consistent with other surveys that have been in the field in Maine albeit on the lower end of the range. The state of the statewide race is clear enough at this point, but the real focus should be on the districts (which Critical Insights included among the distinctions in this survey).


Maine CD1
(Biden 49, Trump 33):
However, only one of those district is competitive and it is not the first, where Biden continues to lead by double digits. That is unlikely to change between now and election day. Yes, the margin is less here than in the recent Quinnipiac survey, but there are methodological reasons that better explain that than any tightening of the race.


Maine CD2
(Biden 39, Trump 38):
To the extent, then, that Maine holds any interest in the race to 270, it is because the fight for the one electoral vote in Maine's second is competitive. Trump carried the district by 10 points in 2016, but that advantage has disappeared when comparing the 2020 polling there to the election results four years ago. Biden now has the upper hand for that electoral vote but by less than one point in the FHQ averages. That is enough to keep the district on the Watch List below, but only just barely. And, while limited, the polling thus far in the second has produce a very narrow range of results. At least the  Senate in Maine race will provide future data on the state of the presidential race in the second district (so long as pollsters continue to break the race down in that manner).


Minnesota
(Biden 51, Trump 49):
Over in the Land of 10,000 Lakes, Emerson was in the field with a survey that showed the race closer to where things stood in 2016 than has been true of the polling conducted there so far in 2020. And the answer as to why is simple enough. With leaners pushed toward one candidate or the other, the president's share is at its zenith in 2020 polling of the state. Biden has been at or above 50 in most of the Minnesota polls, but Trump has yet to be north of 44 percent in any survey until this one. Take it in isolation for what it is worth.


North Carolina
(Trump 48, Biden 47 via Pulse Opinion Research | Biden 47, Trump 37 via HIT Strategies | Biden 49, Trump 46 via Public Policy Polling):
North Carolina saw a flurry of poll releases since yesterday's update here at FHQ and it really was a choose your own adventure series of surveys ranging from Trump +1 to Biden +10. Both are on the tails of the range of surveys out of the Tar Heel state. FHQ currently has the race at Biden 47, Trump 45 and the PPP survey is the closest of those three, but all three polls are pretty close to where Biden is. It is the Trump share that is more variable.


Wisconsin
(Biden 50, Trump 46):
Finally, in the Badger state, Marquette Law School had its first update on the state of the presidential race since a poll from last June. In the likely voters version with leaners included, Biden lost some ground between then and now, but the margin is on the lower end of the range in polls released in August there. FHQ currently has the race in Wisconsin pegged at Biden 48.6 and Trump at 42.5, so this survey (again with leaners) has Trump running a bit more ahead of his average than Biden is.



NOTE: A description of the methodology behind the graduated weighted average of 2020 state-level polling that FHQ uses for these projections can be found here.


The Electoral College Spectrum1
MA-112
(14)
NJ-14
(173)
WI-10
(252)
AK-3
(125)
UT-6
(60)
HI-4
(18)
OR-7
(180)
PA-203
NE CD2-1
(273 | 286)
MO-10
(122)
IN-11
(54)
CA-55
(73)
DE-3
(183)
FL-29
(302 | 265)
SC-9
(112)
ID-4
(43)
VT-3
(76)
CO-9
(192)
NV-6
(308 | 236)
MT-3
(103)
KY-8
(39)
NY-29
(105)
NM-5
(197)
AZ-11
(319 | 230)
NE CD1-1
KS-6
(100)
AL-9
(31)
WA-12
(117)
ME-2
(199)
NC-15
(334 | 219)
MS-6
(93)
ND-3
(22)
MD-10
(127)
VA-13
(212)
ME CD2-1
OH-18
(353 | 204)
LA-8
(87)
SD-3
(19)
IL-20
(147)
MN-10
(222)
GA-16
(185)
AR-6
(79)
OK-7
(16)
ME CD1-1
RI-4
(152)
MI-16
(238)
IA-6
(169)
NE-2
(73)
WV-5
(9)
CT-7
(159)
NH-4
(242)
TX-38
(163)
TN-11
(71)
WY-3
NE CD3-1
(4)
1 Follow the link for a detailed explanation on how to read the Electoral College Spectrum.

2 The numbers in the parentheses refer to the number of electoral votes a candidate would have if he or she won all the states ranked prior to that state. If, for example, Trump won all the states up to and including Pennsylvania (Biden's toss up states plus the Pennsylvania), he would have 286 electoral votes. Trump's numbers are only totaled through the states he would need in order to get to 270. In those cases, Biden's number is on the left and Trumps's is on the right in bold italics.


To keep the figure to 50 cells, Washington, DC and its three electoral votes are included in the beginning total on the Democratic side of the spectrum. The District has historically been the most Democratic state in the Electoral College.

3 Pennsylvania
 is the state where Biden crosses the 270 electoral vote threshold to win the presidential election, the tipping point state.

Another pretty robust day of polling releases, and yet the changes were limited. Importantly, Georgia and Iowa switch places with Georgia moving up against the partisan line, less than two tenths of a point from jumping to Biden turf. Maine's first district also basically shifted back to where it was on the Electoral College Spectrum back on August 5. And that change is not really of all that much consequence. The first remains a safe bet for the Democratic ticket in November.

On the Watch List below, Minnesota came off on the weight of a poll that reduced the margin there enough to lodge it more deeply in the Lean Biden category. The 14 states below and underpolled Nevada remain the states to watch. New polling from any of them are most likely to change the outlook in the graphics here at FHQ.

--
There were no new polls from Nevada today.

Days since the last Nevada poll was in the field: 103.

--
NOTE: Distinctions are made between states based on how much they favor one candidate or another. States with a margin greater than 10 percent between Biden and Trump are "Strong" states. Those with a margin of 5 to 10 percent "Lean" toward one of the two (presumptive) nominees. Finally, states with a spread in the graduated weighted averages of both the candidates' shares of polling support less than 5 percent are "Toss Up" states. The darker a state is shaded in any of the figures here, the more strongly it is aligned with one of the candidates. Not all states along or near the boundaries between categories are close to pushing over into a neighboring group. Those most likely to switch -- those within a percentage point of the various lines of demarcation -- are included on the Watch List below.

The Watch List1
State
Potential Switch
Florida
from Toss Up Biden
to Lean Biden
Georgia
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Iowa
from Toss Up Trump
to Toss Up Biden
Kansas
from Lean Trump
to Strong Trump
Louisiana
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Maine CD2
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
Mississippi
from Strong Trump
to Lean Trump
Missouri
from Toss Up Trump
to Lean Trump
Nebraska CD1
from Lean Trump
to Strong Trump
Nebraska CD2
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
Ohio
from Toss Up Biden
to Toss Up Trump
Pennsylvania
from Lean Biden
to Toss Up Biden
South Carolina
from Lean Trump
to Toss Up Trump
Virginia
from Strong Biden
to Lean Biden
1 Graduated weighted average margin within a fraction of a point of changing categories.

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Methodological Note: In past years, FHQ has tried some different ways of dealing with states with no polls or just one poll in the early rounds of these projections. It does help that the least polled states are often the least competitive. The only shortcoming is that those states may be a little off in the order in the Spectrum. In earlier cycles, a simple average of the state's three previous cycles has been used. But in 2016, FHQ strayed from that and constructed an average swing from 2012 to 2016 that was applied to states. That method, however, did little to prevent anomalies like the Kansas poll that had Clinton ahead from biasing the averages. In 2016, the early average swing in the aggregate was  too small to make much difference anyway. For 2020, FHQ has utilized an average swing among states that were around a little polled state in the rank ordering on election day in 2016. If there is just one poll in Delaware in 2020, for example, then maybe it is reasonable to account for what the comparatively greater amount of polling tells us about the changes in Connecticut, New Jersey and New Mexico. Or perhaps the polling in Iowa, Mississippi and South Carolina so far tells us a bit about what may be happening in Alaska where no public polling has been released. That will hopefully work a bit better than the overall average that may end up a bit more muted.


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Related posts:
The Electoral College Map (8/10/20)

The Electoral College Map (8/9/20)

The Electoral College Map (8/7/20)


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